Vol. 1074 No. 3
92. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will consider not granting authorisation for future stopovers of US military planes and planes under the command of the US military in Shannon Airport; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57130/25]
162. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will stop the use of Shannon Airport by the US military while it is assisting Israel’s genocide in Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49150/25]
For a long time we have allowed the US military to use Shannon Airport. Over a number of years, we have seen countless protests on this subject - it has been decades, in fact - of a threat to our neutrality and a facilitation of US military operations which contravene our foreign policy. Despite this, on 12 October a US Department of War charter plane carrying troops and munitions of war to Israel was authorised by the Tánaiste and Minister for foreign affairs to stop at Shannon Airport. Why did he allow this and will he continue to do so?
I propose to take Questions Nos. 92 and 162 together.
Responsibility for the regulation of foreign aircraft landing or overflying the State is shared between Departments. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has primary responsibility for the regulation of foreign military and other foreign state aircraft, while the Department of Transport leads on the regulation of civil aircraft. Under the terms of the Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order 1952, all foreign military aircraft wishing to overfly, or land in, the State require diplomatic clearance from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Diplomatic clearance is subject to strict conditions, including that the aircraft is unarmed; that it carries no arms, ammunition or explosives; that it does not engage in intelligence gathering; and that the flight in question does not form part of a military exercise or operation. It is expressly prohibited for civil aircraft to carry munitions of war in Irish sovereign territory without being granted an exemption to do so by the Minister for Transport.
The system of exemptions is operated under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Orders 1973 and 1989 by the Department of Transport. In 2023, 2024 and to date in 2025, no applications have been received or exemptions granted for the carriage of munitions of war on civil aircraft to a point in Israel.
The policy of diplomatic clearance is well known and is fully understood by the United States and other international partners, and is done in full compliance with Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality. Since October 2023, diplomatic clearance has been granted on a small number of occasions for US military aircraft to land in Shannon for the specific purpose of transporting senior officials travelling from the United States to the Middle East. Stringent procedures for diplomatic clearance were followed in full on each of these occasions.
The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is committed to the highest standards of transparency on this issue, which is why it publishes monthly statistics in relation to overflights and landings of foreign military and state aircraft on the gov.ie website. The current information on the website covers the period from 2015 to last month, September 2025. My Department will continue to publish details relating to overflights and landings on a monthly basis, as well as work to compile and publish historical data relating to overflights and the landing of foreign military aircraft where and when possible.
In November 2023, the then Fine Gael leader, Leo Varadkar, told the Dáil that no US military flights going through Shannon were going to Israel. This seems to have been the policy of successive Irish Governments since 2006. Now it appears that as well as diplomatic clearance, the Department of Transport signed off on the plane carrying munitions of war through Irish airspace to Israel, as well as US troops. Why now? Cen fáth anois? After all that has happened, after all Israel has done with US support, is this acceptable to the Minister, his Department and the Government? Why is it acceptable to allow our airspace and airports to be used to carry troops and weapons to Israel? I ask again: why has this been allowed? Will the Minister continue to allow it?
What date is the Deputy referring to?
It is 12 October.
In 2023?
No, 12 October, this month.
My apologies. This is what appeared online in relation to a story alleging that the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade had authorised a US military plane to refuel at Shannon Airport on Sunday on its way from what is now called the Department of War airbase to an Israel Defense Forces base.
That is correct.
There was a second article on 17 October that reiterated the claim that the State had allowed the transfer of munitions of war on board a US military plane and, indeed, that it had apparently been authorised by me to touch down at Shannon Airport to travel through Irish territory on its way to Israel.
Having reviewed the Department’s records, the flight in question was a civil aircraft that travelled from South Carolina to Athens in Greece and landed in Shannon Airport on 12 October for a technical stopover. As this was a civil aircraft, no request for diplomatic clearance would have been sought or required from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The granting or refusal of an application for an exemption to carry ammunition of war is a matter for the Department of Transport. As the flight was carrying the unloaded personal weapons of troops, it was required to apply to the Department of Transport for such an exemption. The flight in question received an exemption to carry munitions from the Department of Transport.
I find it baffling that the Minister cannot tell me why he has allowed this to happen. He is saying that it is the Department of Transport. Surely this is a foreign affairs issue, and surely he should be taking responsibility for it. It has been raised in this Chamber many times. It was bad enough that we have stood by and allowed munitions of war to pass through Irish airspace en route to Israel without permission, a crime the Government has failed to prosecute a single company for. It was bad enough that we have continued to allow the US military to use our airports despite all the harm it has done and continues to do globally in the execution of US foreign policy. What is worse is that we are now allowing the US military and the US Department of War, newly named, to use Shannon Airport en route to Israel. I am not just asking when enough is enough. Why has the Government taken this complicity a step further? Why has the Government decided to do so now?
I have been quite clear in relation to this matter, in relation to the role my Department plays, in relation to the types of flights that require diplomatic clearance, in relation to the monthly log that is published on the Government’s website and in relation to the system of exemptions that operates under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Orders 1973 and 1989, as operated by the Department of Transport. I have also been clear that in 2023, 2024 and to date this year, no applications have been received or exemptions granted for the carriage of munitions of war on civil aircraft to a point in Israel. I think this is important. That is why I have put the information on the record of the Dáil that my Department has informed me that it has reviewed its records, and the flight in question was a civil aircraft that travelled from South Carolina to Athens in Greece and landed in Shannon Airport on 12 October for a technical stopover.
93. Deputy Erin McGreehan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the action he is taking to develop bilateral relations with Canada, especially in the context of historical and cultural links. [56953/25]
My question concerns the importance of strengthening Ireland’s bilateral relations with Canada, a country with which we share deep historical and cultural roots.
Ireland and Canada enjoy a strong relationship based on a common history and a shared commitment to democracy, human rights and a rules-based international order. I am pleased to say there have been a number of positive developments in this relationship in recent months, including the visit by the Taoiseach to meet with Prime Minister Carney in Ottawa last month. Both reaffirmed the enduring friendship between our two countries, our commitment to deepening economic ties and the importance of Ireland’s full ratification of the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement by 2026. This is very important. It will be interesting to see, but I hope all Members across this House support the passage of this deal. It is very important, not just for the deal in and of itself but also for the message it sends out about this country and the values we have in relation to trade. If we cannot do free trade with Canada, what better nation could be find to do free trade with?
In August, I had the opportunity to speak with the new Canadian Foreign Minister, Anita Anand, on a number of international issues and trade relations, including the Government’s commitment to ratifying CETA. As the Deputy will know, CETA has already been provisionally applied by the EU and Canada since September 2017 and has contributed to a significant increase in Ireland’s bilateral trade in goods and services with Canada. That trade increased from about €3.2 billion in 2016 to more than €10 billion in 2023. My Department is continuing to work with the Office of Parliamentary Counsel and legal advisers on the drafting of the arbitration (amendment) Bill 2025. I expect to be in a position to publish the Bill in the coming weeks.
A new report on deepening trade and investment between Ireland and Canada shows that Ireland is now the tenth largest investor in Canada, and Canadian investment in Ireland is up 131% since 2016. The Minister, Deputy Burke, will lead a trade mission to Canada next month to further develop these economic opportunities.
Of course, the relationship is not just trade. Supporting the Irish diaspora in Canada and promoting Irish cultural links continue to be priorities for the Government. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, emphasised this in his meetings with a number of diaspora organisations during his visit to Toronto last month. A landmark cultural initiative, Canada-Ireland 180, will be held in 2027 to mark 180 years since the Famine migration of 1847.
It is very positive to hear that all that work is ongoing. County Louth has a unique connection. Carlingford is the birthplace of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, one of the founding fathers of the Canadian Confederation, which leaves a legacy of democracy in the shaping of modern Canada. In more recent times, the library in DKIT was named after General John de Chastelain in honour of his vital role in the peace process and the leadership of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. I ask the Department to explore targeted funding and partnership initiatives to deepen Irish Canadian links, cultural and heritage products, academic exchanges and collaborations that will bring our communities closer together, particularly in County Louth.
That is a great idea and a very constructive suggestion. There will be a number of opportunities where we can try to constructively explore this. One would be the fact that the Taoiseach has invited the Canadian Prime Minister to visit Ireland next year. I am delighted to hear that the Prime Minister has agreed, so we will have Prime Minister Carney here. I will let Deputy McGreehan ask the Taoiseach if he can come to County Louth.
Absolutely.
I am sure he will be delighted to. The Deputy brought President Biden there so why not Prime Minister Carney?
As the Deputy can imagine, we will want that visit to have a legacy, and that legacy has to be based on opportunities to deepen ties. The de Chastelain link is one we are very proud of. I had the honour of meeting that man, who was an incredible individual. The Deputy is right to highlight the people-to-people links and educational links. Let us certainly explore that. I would be happy to work with the Deputy on how we can develop proposals in the education space that we could consider for the next stage of the development of Ireland-Canada relations.
It is great to hear that Prime Minister Carney is coming to Ireland. We will absolutely open the céad mile fáilte to him. A predecessor of his, Brian Mulroney, was in Carlingford to open the Thomas D’Arcy McGee memorial. We are always welcoming our Canadian and American friends in County Louth.
As the Tánaiste knows, investment would honour that shared past and create new opportunities in education, research and innovation, which are areas where Ireland and Canada share real common strengths and values. I look forward to engaging with the Minister, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, and the Department in relation to how we can develop bilateral and cultural relations and support the direction of funds towards County Louth.
I very much welcome the question raised on the historical and the cultural aspects. There are also trade aspects and how the State focused on trade with the US over the past 35 or 40 years. The Government now needs to focus on Canada and how it can get Canada to invest more here because of its access to the European market, but likewise so that we can export to Canada. We have already got that link as well with our third level institutions in that quite a number of students from Canada are studying in our third level institutions. We should also use that to strengthen our connections with the Canadian authorities.
A delegation from the foreign affairs and trade committee is going to Canada in early December. I welcome the new ambassador. Deputy McGreehan is convener of the Canada-Ireland Inter-Parliamentary Friendship group, and hence her particular interest in it. There is some resistance to waiving pre-legislative scrutiny on the CETA agreement from some quarters in the House. There is a little bit of romantic notion about where Ireland is in the world in some quarters and maybe there needs to be a more realistic appreciation of where Ireland needs to be. Prime Minister Carney from his time as Governor of the Bank of England seems to have huge understanding and is well informed about this country.
I agree. Prime Minister Carney is a friend of Ireland. Canada and Ireland are friends. We need to work together. I am delighted to hear of the friendship group and Deputy's McGreehan's chairpersonship of that. I am delighted that hear from Deputy Lahart of the foreign affair committee's visit to Canada. They can perhaps drop off the invite to County Louth while they are there. I agree with Deputy Burke about that whole issue of trade. That is why we have published the action plan on market diversification. We want to continue to trade and grow and develop further our trade links with the United States, but we also want to look to new markets and opportunities. Canada is not a new market, but we have already seen since CETA has come in how the level of trade in goods and services between Ireland and Canada and Canada and Ireland has gone in the right direction. There is huge potential. We are just scratching the surface of the full potential of that relationship.
The point is right that we do not have enough discussion - if the Deputies do not mind me saying so - in this House about trade and the economy. We have loads of discussions about how to spend the money. That is not unimportant, but we never have enough discussions about how to generate it. We are a small open economy. When countries like Canada want to do more business with this country we should be saying, "Thank you very much" and engaging with them constructively. I look forward to when they come in and having that debate.
94. Deputy Catherine Ardagh asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the discussions he has had about the possibility of utilising €1.87 billion in frozen Russian assets for reparations for the war of aggression against Ukraine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [56946/25]
140. Deputy Ryan O'Meara asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the action he is taking to ensure that frozen Russian assets become central to Ukrainian reconstruction; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [56944/25]
Bogaimid ar aghaidh anois go dtí ceist Uimh. 94. Tá an Teachta Lahart á tógaint. Tá sé seo nascaithe le ceist Uimh. 140 in ainm an Teachta Ryan O’Meara chomh maith.
These questions were transferred to me. Will the Tánaiste outline the discussions he has had about the possibility of utilising the €1.87 billion in frozen Russian assets, which are the ones in Ireland that we know of, for reparations for the war of aggression against Ukraine?
I propose to take Questions Nos. 94 and 140 together. I thank Deputies Lahart, O'Meara and Ardagh for the questions.
Russia has to be held accountable for its action. In my view, Ireland's view and the view of the Government, Russia needs to pay for the destruction that it has brought and is sadly still bringing about by its illegal brutal war in Ukraine. As a result of extensive sanction measures, in particular the Ukraine territorial integrity sanctions regime, the private financial assets of more than 2,500 individuals and entities have been frozen across the European Union. As the Deputy indicated, around €1.84 billion of these assets are frozen in Irish institutions. These are assets of listed individuals and entities that are frozen under the sanctions regime. The asset freeze is temporary and does not involve the seizure of the asset in question. Separately, under another Russian sanctions regime concerned with sectoral measures, over €200 billion of sovereign Russian assets, including those of the Central Bank of Russia, have been immobilised within the EU. This measure prohibits any dealings with such assets. No such sovereign Russian assets are held in our country.
The extraordinary revenue generated from these immobilised sovereign assets has been used to service an EU-G7 loan to Ukraine. To date, Ukraine has received €14 billion from the EU under this mechanism and €25 billion in total. Ukraine's funding needs are enormous. We should be honest and upfront on this. It is more important than ever that we bolster support for Ukraine across all work strands, both to help Ukraine as it fights Russia's illegal war of aggression but also to project a focused and unified European Union.
Our country is supportive of exploring options for the further use of the immobilised Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine. However, it has to be done in line with applicable laws and in careful co-ordination with international partners. Discussions are under way on options to do this. I was part of some yesterday in Luxembourg. EU leaders held an exchange on the issue during their informal meeting in Copenhagen at the start of this month and an outline proposal has been shared. Yesterday, I reiterated Ireland's support for maintaining pressure on Russia by quickly reaching agreement on the 19th sanctions package. I also reiterated that Ireland is supportive of exploring options for the further use of Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine. It is expected that European leaders, including our Taoiseach, will return to this discussion in the coming days at the European Council.
In my experience as chair of the foreign affairs and trade committee, the Ukrainian ambassador to Ireland came in last week. We received a comprehensive statement. Has the Tánaiste or Taoiseach considered initiating some sort of round table facility with leaders of the Opposition? It strikes me that we get, and rightly so, incredibly exercised about events in Israel, Gaza and Palestine. This does not need to be binary. However, there seems to be a real lack of understanding in certain parts of the House on the actual necessity to engage with the Ukrainian peace and the threat that Russia poses. That threat is spreading across Scandinavia into the shadow fleet off the shores of this island, yet there does not seem to be the same deep embedded appreciation for the threat that poses to us. I do not know whether a number of mature adult conversations need to be had on a regular basis and based on confidentiality because there are security issues. That was not part of the question; I have run into it.
It is a good idea. My Department remains available to brief any Member of the Opposition, and most particularly party spokespeople and leaders.
Have they ever sought a briefing on it?
I do not want to say off the top of my head that they have not, but I am not aware of any such recent briefings. However, it is available. I will talk to the Taoiseach to how best to facilitate the Deputy's suggestion. It is a good one because there is a war on the Continent of Europe. This country is going to have the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of next year. As the Deputy said, there are issues with the shadow fleet. There are real issues in relation to the incursions into European airspace. We saw it in Copenhagen only recently. We have seen it in Romania. We have seen it in many countries, such as Poland and Estonia, in recent days and weeks. We are not immune from these threats either in any matter or means. It is a very construction suggestion. I will certainly engage with Government colleagues on it. I am happy and eager to engage with the Opposition on it too.
On the frozen assets, the Ukrainian ambassador made the point that the lawful of frozen Russian assets must become central to reconstruction. What is the view of the Government on that? That reconstruction would be around the rebuilding of infrastructure, supporting of victims and enabling the return of displaced Ukrainians. An estimate of €300 billion in assets internationally remains frozen globally, including close to €2 billion in Ireland. The Ukrainians are certainly of the view that these resources should serve peace and not remain unused while destruction continues. What is the view of the international community specifically on the assets not remaining unused?
Ireland agrees with that principle. The European Union is clear that Russia needs to pay for the destruction. What we also need to do - and based on what the Deputy said, the Ukrainian ambassador is correct - we have to find lawful ways of doing this. We have to work with international partners. There are some member states in the Europe Union that have concerns around this for a whole variety of domestic economic reasons. They need to be teased through as well. If there was a way forward to better utilise that resource, how do we utilise it? Some member states talk about utilising it for the immediate military needs of Ukraine. We do not get directly involved in that in terms of lethal military equipment because of our neutrality. There are also the budgetary needs of Ukraine, which are real, and the reconstruction needs as well.
I would hope we would see some sort of blended approach where we would be able to utilise such resources for a variety of purposes, including the reconstruction. The broader point of all of this is that we all hope we can get to a point where we start talking about reconstruction. That is why we really need to see in the coming days if the next phase of work being proposed by President Trump can yield progress in terms of getting Putin to a negotiating table where he would meet with President Zelenskyy and try to negotiate an enduring peace that respects the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
95. Deputy Ryan O'Meara asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his response to the recent escalation in the intensity of Russian aggression against Ukraine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [56943/25]
This question was transferred to me from Deputy O'Meara. It asks for the Tánaiste's response to the recent escalation in the intensity of Russian aggression against Ukraine.
I am grateful to Deputies O'Meara and Lahart for raising this very timely issue. Ireland condemns Russia’s escalation of large-scale aerial attacks on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. In recent weeks, Russia has launched thousands of drone and missile attacks into Ukraine, some of which have been the largest aerial attacks since the start of the war, resulting in high numbers of civilian casualties and large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure. According to President Zelenskyy, on Thursday, 16 October, Russia launched more than 300 drones and 37 missiles to target infrastructure across Ukraine. The President commented that this autumn, the Russians have been using every single day and night to strike at Ukraine's energy infrastructure. The targeting of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is especially cruel ahead of winter, when temperatures often drop below minus 10°C. The deprivation of heat, light, electricity and water are attacks on Ukrainian civilians. We have made the point multiple times that the attacks on energy infrastructure and the utilisation of food as a tool of war are, of course, war crimes. Moreover, Ireland strongly condemns the repeated violations of EU airspace and other hybrid attacks by Russia. These actions constitute a reckless and unprecedented threat to regional security. In response, the Tánaiste directed his officials to make our condemnation clear to the Russian chargé in Dublin. These actions demonstrate yet again that Russia is intent on escalating rather than de-escalating its war of aggression.
For our part, we are working closely with our EU partners to secure the best outcome for Ukraine and for Europe. This topic featured heavily at the Foreign Affairs Council this week and will feature heavily at the European Council later this week. Ireland reiterates its commitment to support all efforts to hold Russia accountable, including for the forcible transfer and deportation of Ukrainian children, and the need to maintain pressure on Russia by quickly reaching agreement on the 19th sanctions package.
The ongoing escalation in Russian attacks also highlights the critical importance of ensuring that Ukraine gets the support it needs to defend itself. In March, the Tánaiste announced the allocation of €100 million in non-lethal military assistance to Ukraine, the majority of which will be used to fund non-lethal elements of air defence.
I thank the Minister of State. The Ukrainian ambassador was very appreciative of the non-military assistance the country has been given when she came before the committee last week. The Minister of State referred in his reply to regional destabilisation. I was fortunate and privileged, with the Minister of State's colleague, Deputy Barry Ward, Chair of the EU affairs committee, to be part of an EU election observation project in Moldova. The Russians had been attempting to interfere with elections there. Clearly, it is not just warheads, missiles and drones but it is right across. The Ukrainian ambassador told the committee that something like 11,000 Shahed drones have been used in the first six months of this year, as well as 9,000 other types of attack drones. We have been talking about sanctions and the Minister referred to the 19th iteration of these. Does he think they are biting? Could he reassure the House about that?
Another figure that the Ukrainian ambassador cited was that 1,000 drones are being built every day in Russia. Those drones are not being used for delivering a cup of coffee or medicine, we all know that, stark as it is. The sanctions package is very interesting. An Irishman, David O'Sullivan, has the EU responsibility of monitoring sanctions and seeing how they impact. I attended a Foreign Affairs Council meeting in May when he provided his report which showed that yes, the sanctions are having an effect, not only on the oligarchs who prop up Putin's regime but also on the critical economic infrastructure of Russia. They are having an effect but it must be said that there are certain EU member states who restrict the ability for these sanctions to go as far as Ireland and like-minded countries would like. It must also be said that of all EU member states, Ireland comes top of the charts when it comes to adherence to and enforcement of these sanctions.
It is not contained in my question but I know one of the things we contribute towards is de-mining. I am throwing the issue at the Minister of State in an unanticipated way and will accept a written response on it. It just came to mind. Can the Minister of State inform the House about what that involves and what the money is expended on?
The primary role of the de-mining is in respect of training Ukrainian civilian authorities to clear mines. This is done by members of the Defence Forces. Ireland has a particular expertise globally in de-mining. We have been to the forefront of a number of training missions across Africa. We are still active in Uganda through the United Nations. In the last two years the Defence Forces acquired new de-mining equipment that is top of the range, to ensure that our Defence Forces officers are able to implement that, not only when participating in peacekeeping missions, but also when they are training.
If I may refer to a very clear point the Deputy made at the end of his last intervention, the material impact of this ongoing war in Ukraine is felt by every single household in this country. It is felt in our grocery bills and energy bills. The further this war goes on, the further Russia is allowed to make advances, it hurts the Irish people in their pocket as well as detrimentally and existentially hurting the security of not just Ireland but Europe going forward.
96. Deputy Colm Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to report on his recent meeting with US Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57158/25]
The Tánaiste recently met with the Secretary of Commerce, Howard Lutnick, in Washington. He might outline the progress that was made as a result of that meeting.
I thank Deputy Burke for the question. I met Secretary Howard Lutnick, the US commerce secretary, on 25 September at the Department of Commerce in Washington DC as part of a broader bilateral visit to the US. This meeting provided me with a valuable opportunity to discuss the dynamic economic, trade and investment relationship that exists between our two countries, as well as the implementation of the joint statement on an EU-US framework agreement on reciprocal, fair and balanced trade, which was published on 21 August. This meeting followed on from my last visit to Washington DC in April and reflects our ongoing dialogue with the US Administration on trade and economic issues.
We discussed a variety of issues of critical interest to Irish businesses and people. I highlighted the mutually beneficial economic relationship between Ireland and the United States, which continues to create jobs and opportunities for both Irish and American citizens and businesses. I briefed Secretary Lutnick on our new economic impact report, which measures Ireland’s trade and investment across the US and the fact that as the fifth largest source of FDI into the US, Irish businesses are employing over 200,000 people across the United States, including in every single state in the US.
On tariffs, as the Deputy would expect, I raised the potential expansion of the list of goods exempt from the baseline 15% tariff rate, including the need to look for carve-outs for spirits and the medtech sector. We discussed the issue of ongoing US section 232 national security investigations into the pharmaceuticals and semiconductor sectors and I raised the impact of the expansion of the section 232 measures on steel and aluminium and the detrimental effects on Irish manufacturers, particularly in the agritech sectors. I raised the recent US proposal to raise the cost of H-1B visa applications, and noted the importance of pathways for mobility for high-skilled workers, innovators and job creators.
The meeting with Secretary Lutnick was an important opportunity to ensure that senior interlocutors in the Administration are fully aware and briefed on Irish priorities, views and concerns in respect of the wider transatlantic trade and business environment. It also allowed for a more detailed understanding from us of US thinking in policy areas of crucial importance for Ireland, and the interests of our businesses and citizens.
One of the problems we have with the US is that there is a view out there, especially in America, that it is a one-way street. America thinks that we have all the advantages in the sense that we export quite a large volume of goods, especially in the pharmaceutical area. The point the Tánaiste made that Irish companies have created over 200,000 jobs there indicates that it is very much a two-way process. We need to sell that message a bit more strongly. While we have the EU Presidency, which is not too far away, the point that we can sell is that by having a business in Ireland, you have access to a huge European market. That is extremely important. How are we changing strategy to sell that from an American point of view, to emphasise that it is not just about manufacturing goods to go into America but that there is an opportunity for American companies to be based here in Ireland and to get access to the European market of 460 million people?
Deputy Burke is so right. We have to constantly push back against that idea of it being a one-way street because that is not what the economic relationship is, as the Deputy rightly says. There are over 200,000 Americans who got out of bed this morning, probably many of whom voted for President Trump, and went to work in Irish-owned companies in every state across the United States of America. It is a significant two-way flow. One of things we are doing to try to make that even more real now is by providing a breakdown state by state to see what it means in the state of Georgia, Illinois or California. That is an important way to be able to engage at that state level as well. We have had a number of governors here recently and we have been utilising that opportunity to talk about the state-by-state benefit of the two-way relationship.
The Deputy's second point is also really timely. We need to position ourselves, and we do, but we need to continue to take every opportunity. I always say US companies do not locate here for the weather. They locate here for a number of reasons, one of which is access to the massive market that is the European Union. Ireland is proudly a member of the European Union. We are proudly at the heart of it and we must remain there but we can also be somewhat of a bridge as a country within the European Union that understands, at least, the American perspective. Even if we do not always agree with it, at least we have that understanding of it.
How much progress has been made on expanding the list of goods which will be exempt from the 15% tariff? Has progress been made on the cost of visa applications and is there likely to be further progress made over the next two to three months?
On these visa applications, Secretary Lutnick was telling me he did not have direct responsibility for it but I made the point to him that what I am sure they do not wish to do is to have some sort of chilling effect on people who may wish to go and carry out critical roles in the US economy, or on the innovators and entrepreneurs who wish to establish businesses. I thought there was a need to have a good engagement on that. That engagement will continue and our embassy in Washington will continue that as well.
Being honest, on the chance of broadening the number of carve-outs, the American position - as opposed to ours - is to see successful implementation of the joint framework in the first instance, but that joint framework does include language around having further discussion and engagement. There has been a couple of missed opportunities here. Regarding the drinks industry, it makes no sense to have 15% tariffs in place. Not only does it not make sense from an Irish perspective but it does not make sense from a US perspective. There are Irish drinks companies that would want to establish more presence and job opportunities in the US that will put their decisions to invest in the US on hold as a result of the tariffs. Trying to broaden those conversations out in the time ahead will be important.
97. Deputy Peter 'Chap' Cleere asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the way in which Ireland is supporting the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57004/25]
Tá Ceist Uimh. 97 in ainm an Teachta Cleere ach tá an Teachta Lahart á thógáil ar a shon.
I ask the Tánaiste the way in which Ireland is supporting the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, and if he will make a statement on the matter.
Deputy Lahart is doing a lot of heavy lifting this evening. I thank him for taking this question and I also thank Deputy 'Chap' Cleere for tabling the question. It is a really important issue and one that Ireland has genuinely tried to shine a spotlight on and has tried to work on in international coalitions for quite a period of time. We have been consistently condemning the deportation and the forcible transfer of children, which amounts in our view to a war crime or a crime against humanity. At the Foreign Affairs Council yesterday, I underlined our condemnation and our support for all efforts to hold Russia accountable for crimes against the Ukrainian people. The deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia or Belarus is part of a co-ordinated effort to erase Ukrainian identity. Let us not forget that. These children face Russian re-education so-called, vilification of their nationality, forced adoption and coercion to accept Russian citizenship. The idea of snatching somebody's child creates such a horror. As I have said previously, it is my firm belief that the forced displacement of many Ukrainian children is morally repugnant and I am sickened by what is happening to Ukrainian children.
On 23 September this year, during the United Nations high level week, the Taoiseach attended an event hosted by Ukraine and Canada, called Restoring Childhood and Humanity: Advancing Peace, where he underlined that the forced removal of children from their homes is one of the most callous and egregious crimes committed by Russia. Ireland is a member of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children. We are engaged in discussions on the future work of the coalition and on how it can support efforts to ensure the return of Ukrainian children to their families and communities. The European Council has condemned in the strongest terms Russia’s unlawful deportation and transfer to Russia and to Belarus of Ukrainian children. I also had the opportunity to speak with Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, on these issues. As part of its overall response, Ireland has consistently supported strong sanctions against Russia in response to aggression in Ukraine, including a range of measures targeting individuals and entities involved in the forced transfer, deportation and military indoctrination of Ukrainian children. We note that such alleged crimes are the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court. We have raised this issue in all our statements in multilateral forums, in our national capacity and as part of the European Union.
One thing this conflict has in common with what is going on in Gaza is that I cannot think of one single thing that would guarantee intergenerational conflict more than the use, abuse and the taking and maiming of children. It almost guarantees that the memory just simply cannot absolve itself of the horrors of it and that the atrocity will live on. In spite of that, the Ukrainian Government, through its ambassador, has expressed deep appreciation for the role that Ireland has played, particularly in the recent high level meeting of the coalition that has been established in New York in the last month or so, and for our continued active engagement. However, this is one of the most truly appalling crimes. It is a crime against humanity. It beggars belief and understanding as to how someone, a country, a government or a regime could stoop so low. I will not come back with a second comment so I am happy to take the Tánaiste's final response on this. It is truly one of the most appalling crimes that could be committed in a war situation or any situation.
It is. When I attended the Ukraine peace summit in Switzerland I attended a number of meetings on this with the then Prime Minister Trudeau. It is horrific. When I visited Ukraine, I visited Kyiv and I met with the International Red Cross and UNICEF and visited a centre that was working with children and families where there had been forced displacement. It is an absolute horror. I note that the First Lady of the United States has taken an active interest in this. That is a welcome development. I was encouraged that yesterday the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Commission talked about wanting to host its own summit on this in early 2026. Surely if we are moving towards, or can get to any moment of, peace, a ceasefire, or a cessation of hostilities, one of the first areas in which there could be progress is the return of children who effectively have been kidnapped and abducted from their families and from their nation.
99. Deputy Barry Heneghan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will meet with the Irish activists who were on board the Sumud and Thousand Madleen vessels of the freedom flotilla to Gaza to discuss their experiences, and the urgent need for a sustained ceasefire and full humanitarian access to Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57135/25]
Ba mhaith liom labhairt faoi rud éigin atá i mbéal an phobail agus is é sin go raibh go leor daoine ó Éirinn ar an turas ar an flotilla go dtí Gaza, where the Israeli Government illegally captured us all in international waters, completely broke international law and obtained Irish citizens. I am in a group chat with many of these Irish citizens and they would love to meet the Tánaiste to discuss this and the current, very delicate ceasefire, which I have heard him talk about. Will the Tánaiste be willing to meet these Irish citizens, who left their mothers, fathers and sons and daughters to risk themselves to break an illegal siege?
I thank Deputy Heneghan. I am really pleased that all of the Irish citizens detained following their participation on the Global Sumud Flotilla and the Freedom Flotilla Coalition have now returned home. I thank them, and the Deputy as part of that flotilla, for what they did to highlight the horrific humanitarian catastrophe, the genocide and the famine in Gaza. It takes guts. It was an act of courage by a well-meaning, peaceful global citizens who posed no threat whatsoever to Israel. That is the very clear position. I also thank officials in my own Department, including our embassy team in Tel Aviv, led by our ambassador, Sonya McGuinness, working in conjunction with our international partners, because I know they put a lot of work into ensuring the release and the well-being of our citizens. The Deputy will be aware that my clear priority throughout this was to ensure the safety and well-being of Irish citizens. As such, officials from across my Department, including our embassy teams in Tel Aviv, Amman, Istanbul and Ankara, provided all possible and appropriate consular assistance to all of those affected. I also thank those involved in the flotilla who acted as liaison points with my Department. I had an opportunity to meet some of them and some of the families who were gathered in the Gallery here. I and the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, met them at a time of great worry and anxiety.
As I have repeatedly stated and will restate this evening, I understand that the peaceful efforts of all those on board reflect an absolutely understandable human desire by many people around the world to urgently address the humanitarian needs of the people of Gaza. I am certainly happy in due course to meet people. I welcome that opportunity and I would perhaps suggest as a first step that my officials could meet with participants as well if that happens in a speedier manner. I will link with the Deputy's office in that regard.
In terms of the situation in Gaza and the West Bank, I can assure the Deputy that this was at the centre of discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg yesterday. We welcome the fragile ceasefire and the hostage release deal. Our focus now is on preserving the ceasefire and flooding Gaza with desperately needed humanitarian aid.
I welcome the fact that the Tánaiste spoke to me while I was on the flotilla and spoke to a Member of the other House, Senator Chris Andrews. I know that the Tánaiste and the Department over there and here did a lot of work.
The Irish media sometimes portrays this as our having been detained. We were not. We were illegally captured in international waters. We have international law protecting us. That clearly was not even taken into account by the Israeli Government.
On preserving the ceasefire, 45 UN experts called for the Uniting for Peace Resolution 377(V), part of the UN Charter, to be invoked on 5 September, before the UN General Assembly in New York, which the Tánaiste and the Minister of State attended. It will ensure lasting peace and can be enforced by the international military presence of the UN. What is unique about this is that it can be passed by a two-thirds majority of the UN members in an emergency special session of the General Assembly, outside of a Security Council. Other governments are calling for this and I urge the Irish Government to do the same.
I have been very clear and reiterated again that I believe - we can call it whatever word we wish - the detention of our citizens was illegal. These were peaceful citizens who posed no threat or risk to Israel - quite the opposite, in fact. They were going there on a humanitarian mission. I reiterate my view on that, and I have discussed that view with others, including my Spanish counterpart, and have articulated it to many, including Kaja Kallas, the EU high representative for foreign affairs. I will always give consideration to work we can do with others at the UN. We continue to look at that. Our priority at the moment is supporting the New York declaration. It is quite an important moment to have so many countries sign up to that and the implementation now and the delivery of it, which is all about a two-state solution and working with the very fragile and evolving peace plan.
I welcome that, and my office and Senator Andrews will definitely be in touch with the Tánaiste's officials about organising that.
Resolution 377(V)A of the UN Charter bypasses a veto and is brought by vote through the General Assembly, not the Security Council, so it avoids P5 members. It cannot be voted against. Members can only vote for it or abstain as it ensures peace and security. The Tánaiste has spoken about this before. It has been used in Korea. The UN needs to be able to avoid vetoes. If the UN can continuously be vetoed by one of the P5 members, that goes against the original reason the UN was set up, which was to prevent genocides and humanitarian catastrophes from occurring. I urge the Irish Government to join multiple other UN governments and officials who have called for the Uniting for Peace Resolution 377(V)A.
I am aware of those discussions and we will always keep all that under active consideration. I believe, as I know the Deputy does, in multilateralism, and the world has never needed that more. At a time when it is under attack from many quarters, it is important that Ireland take every opportunity to demonstrate our support for multilateralism, the work of the UN and the UN General Assembly while also putting our money where our mouth is in practically providing additional funding to the work of the UN and its agencies.
To try to find a ray of hope after an extraordinarily grim, dark, horrific time, with genocide taking place in our world and man-made famine, we now have a fragile ceasefire. It is no more than that, but we have seen hostages released, we have seen aid flowing, we have a New York declaration, we have a majority of members of the European Union now recognising a State of Palestine and we have a peace plan. Yes, it may be President Trump's peace plan but it is backed by Arab nations, many of which share our views on the future of Palestine.
100. Deputy Barry Ward asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the preparations that are ongoing in relation to Ireland's forthcoming Presidency of the Council of the European Union; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57156/25]
Will the Tánaiste give us an update on the preparations for the Irish Presidency of the EU Council next year?
I thank Deputy Ward for this question, all his work as an Oireachtas Chairperson in this area and the genuine passion and interest I know he has in it.
As colleagues will know, Ireland will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the eighth time from next July until December 2026. Preparations are well under way, led by my Department in close co-ordination with the Department of the Taoiseach and with the active participation of all Departments across the Government. This is and must be truly a whole-of-government effort. I briefed the Government earlier today on progress in our preparations, including the planning of our policy approach, and the practical and operational preparations that are under way to ensure the delivery of a successful Presidency next year. Work is ongoing to develop the priorities and the policy programme for Ireland's Presidency. This programme will be prepared against the backdrop of the EU's strategic agenda 2024-29 and the legislative work programme of the European Commission. It will also be shaped by our own priorities in relation to the European Union.
The Government is consulting with other EU member states and stepping up our engagement with the EU institutions as this process of programme development continues. Our policy programme will be finalised and published shortly before the start of our Presidency term.
The Government recognises the importance of ensuring that stakeholder groups in Ireland have their voices heard. My Department is preparing a series of consultation meetings with stakeholders from across civil society, business and other groups. A call for written submissions will also be launched in the coming weeks. This will ensure that all interested parties have the opportunity to have their say on the development of our Presidency priorities.
Work is also under way to prepare the programme of meetings to be hosted in Ireland during the Presidency. These will include a summit of the European Political Community, an informal meeting of the European Council and 22 informal ministerial meetings. Overall, we can expect to host more than 250 Presidency events here.
The Government has made a firm commitment to resource and deliver a successful Presidency. I am confident that in 2026 Ireland will be able to make a significant and positive contribution in leading the EU's agenda and shaping the future of our Union.
We have a very good history of having strong, well-organised and productive Presidencies in this country, and I look forward to the same thing next year. I particularly welcome what the Tánaiste has said about the public consultation around the priorities for the Presidency. That is very welcome and very important. Could he give us details of how the public will have an opportunity to contribute to that? Obviously, it will be done at national level, but will it be done also in schools, for example? Many children around the country will be seeing an Irish Presidency for the first time. What steps will we take to ensure that their teachers know about it, that they have an opportunity to feed into it and that their ideas are included in the considerations for those priorities as well as the cultural agenda that we will have during the second six months of next year?
I am really glad the Deputy raises this because I raise it all the time. There has to be and there will be a focus on schools. It is really important that this Presidency involve all the people of Ireland, most particularly the next generation of committed Europeans in this country. That opportunity, as the Deputy says, to expose young people to the first Presidency they will have lived through from their own country is really important. I have already had conversations with the Minister for Education and Youth about what a legacy for our schools could look like. I do not want to pre-empt that but we have seen in the past how we have done things like the commemoration of 1916 and how a legacy was left to our schools. We need to consider that, and the Minister, Deputy McEntee, is working on that. There are also, as part of the stakeholder engagement, a number of planned engagements with schools directly by both me and the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs, Deputy Byrne. There will be stakeholder meetings, there will be written consultation and those stakeholder meetings will be across the generations and in a whole variety of settings.
Finally, the cultural programme being developed by the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan, will also be an important part of this and a real opportunity to showcase Irish culture during those six months.
I look forward to that as well.
One of the important things we will look at during our Presidency is the multi-annual financial framework, a really important body of work to be done during the Presidency. Are there any specific preparations for that?
Second, as regards the enlargement agenda, there are many accession countries looking to become part of the European Union. Many of them feel that the enlargement process by the Commission has somewhat stalled. I know the Commission would not agree with that terminology, but the reality is that we have not had an accession since 2013. Many countries - I am thinking particularly of places like Montenegro - are very advanced in their negotiations and ready to do a deal. Will there be a possibility for us to be prepared to do that deal during our Presidency?
I think a lot of the work around the multi-annual financial framework will fall to our Presidency. That is why we have taken a decision as an Irish Government to get our own priorities into the Commission in advance of that Presidency. Of course, when you take up the Presidency, you assume a role as an honest broker. I expect that to be a very busy period.
I am glad the Deputy brought up enlargement. I met yesterday with the Deputy Prime Minister of Moldova after the conclusive pro-European outcome to its parliamentary elections, following on from the similar pro-European result in its presidential election.
I also met with the Deputy Prime Minister of Montenegro and with representatives of a number of western Balkan states in Hillsborough Castle as part of the Berlin conference about two weeks ago. It is really important that we show people there is a path and if they have been knocking on the door for years, they can actually get in, particularly if they are meeting all the criteria. Enlargement will be a priority of the Irish Presidency. A number of countries, including Montenegro and Albania, could well make significant progress during that time. We are very supportive of advancing, as the Deputy knows, Ukrainian and indeed Moldovan accession, just to name a few countries. There probably is not a more pro-enlargement country in the European Union than Ireland.
101. Deputy Shane Moynihan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the role his Department is playing in supporting, strengthening and expanding the areas of co-operation under the North-South Ministerial Council; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [56947/25]
I ask about the role the Tánaiste and his Department are playing in supporting, strengthening and expanding the areas for co-operation under strand two of the Good Friday Agreement through the operation of the North-South Ministerial Council, which had its plenary meeting a few days ago.
Coincidentally, I have my North-South Ministerial Council pen with me as a reminder that we only had the meeting in Farmleigh a couple of days ago - on Friday, I think.
Since the restoration of the Good Friday Agreement institutions last year, there have been 31 meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council in plenary, institutional and sectoral formats. There has been a huge body of work in the roughly 18 months that the institutions have been back up and running. The most recent plenary meeting took place on Friday, 17 October in Farmleigh, hosted by the Irish Government. The meeting provided an opportunity for Ministers to discuss a wide range of issues on mutual issues of concern, including business and trade matters, infrastructure and investment co-operation and emergency planning and preparedness. How do we work better together on emergencies, be they the likes of the pandemics we had to deal with in the past, or Storm Éowyn and the lessons from that? How do we tackle gender-based violence on the island? That is a frequent topic we have quite rightly been considering in the last while and there is a lot of benefit in discussing that on an all-island basis too.
A meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council in institutional format also took place on the same day. That is, effectively, where I meet with the First Minister and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland on a number of institutional and cross-sectoral issues, including North-South bodies and EU-related matters. The outcomes of the meeting are detailed in full in the joint communiqué issued after the meeting and published on the North-South Ministerial Council website.
Reflecting on the work that has been undertaken over the past 18 months since the institutions have been back up and running, we have achieved multiple concrete outcomes from engagement in this framework, from health co-operation to environmental protection to improving co-ordination on disaster preparedness to investment in joint tourism infrastructure. It is fair to say the North-South Ministerial Council now has renewed momentum. I am fully committed, as is the Government, to ensuring that it continues to drive and facilitate strong North-South co-operation, supported in its work by the joint secretariat based in Armagh.
I thank the Tánaiste for that reply. For sure, the North-South Ministerial Council is one of the great institutions under the Good Friday Agreement to advance co-operation on the island and to embed that co-operation between the two administrations. In the communiqué that was published, there is the sheer fact that was pointed to with regard to the investment that has been made, such as the greenway investment and the soon-to-be-started Dublin to Derry air link. The A5 being stalled in the courts is obviously an issue but that is something I know the Government is fully behind.
I would love to see the Government and the Executive move to a place of expanding those areas already identified in the Good Friday Agreement. For example, here is the whole area of skills, apprenticeships and further education. We have launched an all-Ireland apprenticeship model in the past few days but I think there is a massive opportunity for us there in terms of attaining the all-Ireland labour market. We need to continue to deepen our co-operation in healthcare, specifically in the area of public health, which is complimentary to what the Tánaiste stated on emergency management. Then there is public transport and having a truly connected public transport system across both jurisdictions.
I fully agree with Deputy Moynihan. There are officially 12 areas of co-operation that cover a broad swathe of issues under the framework, including education, transport, healthcare and environment. However, I heard the former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern make the point before, and he is entirely correct on this, that it is important that the meetings are dynamic. It is important that people move beyond their speaking points to actually having discussions about the issues that affect the people on the island of Ireland. I must say that I feel that is happening more and more. I would use gender-based violence as an example of where we have been having really good conversations around how we can do more joint research in regard to this. Another example is mother and baby homes, where the Northern Ireland Executive and Stormont are considering issues around that. They are looking for, wanting and receiving co-operation and an exchange of information from this jurisdiction too. Storm Éowyn is another example. This is where it simply makes sense to practically co-operate, alongside all the formal, structured engagement, which is very important too. It is moving into a much better place.
I am encouraged to hear the Tánaiste talking about the importance of those dynamic co-operations. When you look at three strands of the Good Friday Agreement, while there have been stops and starts with strand one, the Executive and the Assembly in Northern Ireland, by its very nature strand two cannot operate without strand one being in place, so it is good to see that renewed momentum. The challenge for us now is to embed that co-operation so that it is not just about investment but, as the Tánaiste said, it is about joint co-operation, joint research design and joint strategy on advancing policy outcomes. I would hate for us to move to a space where it is all just around the investment and paying for stuff as opposed to - as the Tánaiste has rightly pointed out - the need for us to have that really proactive co-operation with regard to those conversations, and then being innovative and exploratory in how we deepen those 12 areas of co-operation. I refer to using education as a vehicle to advance skills connectedness and a joined-up skills strategy on the island, which then lays the foundation for an all-Ireland labour market.
Of the three strands of the agreement, strand three is probably the best embedded because of what happened with Brexit and the fact that it does not depend on the Executive and the Assembly. We need to have that same impetus and momentum behind strand two of the agreement as well.
That is right. I welcome, as the Deputy did, the all-island apprenticeship formally launched by myself, the Taoiseach, the Minister, Deputy Lawless and Minister Archibald in Farmleigh on Friday. I thank and commend the Minister, Deputy Lawless for his work on this too.
As the Deputy also rightly said, all of this takes place in a context and the context is much better when the relationship between the two Governments in Ireland and the UK is good. That reset has assisted. It is also the case when the relationship between the UK and the EU is good. That relationship, and the reset taking place with regard to the agreement on a new framework and the benefits there will be for the island of Ireland and Northern Ireland, is helpful too.
It is about embedding, after stops and starts over the years, the good areas of co-operation that we have. We have a long pipeline of projects. The Deputy is right in that the investment should be seen as an enabler for conversations and co-operation rather than investment for investment's sake. I will give the Deputy one very quick example in the north west, where you are going to see the Magee campus in Derry developed. That is a huge opportunity for partnership with Letterkenny and Atlantic Technological University, ATU, and many benefits will come to the north west of the island from that.
