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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 Jul 2025

Vol. 1070 No. 4

Ceisteanna ar Sonraíodh Uain Dóibh - Priority Questions

An Garda Síochána

Matt Carthy

Question:

1. Deputy Matt Carthy asked the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration the number in each intake of gardaí, and the number who attested, in the past three years, in tabular form; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36637/25]

I ask the Minister the number of gardaí in each intake, the number who attested over the previous three years and if he will make a statement on that. I also ask him to refer to the potential of reaching the target of 1,000 new recruits this year.

I thank Deputy Carthy for his question. As every Member of the House knows, a visible Garda presence is really essential to ensuring the public feel a sense of safety. It is also essential from the Government's perspective and from the objective within the programme for Government to build safe and secure communities for the public to enjoy.

In February, there was the first Garda recruitment campaign of 2025. I am pleased to say this competition was particularly successful and more than 6,700 applications were received in response to it. This demonstrates the continued interest that exists in a career in An Garda Síochána.

I want to answer the specifics of Deputy Carthy's questions. In 2022, there were only two intakes of gardaí into Templemore. These were intakes of 24 and 92 trainees, with 25 and 86 gardaí attested from those intakes. There were a total of 111 gardaí attested in 2022, out of a total of 116 who commenced.

In 2023, there were five intakes of 135, 154, 174, 174 and 109 trainees. Of those, there was a total of 707 attested. In 2023, 746 were taken in and 707 attested. In 2024, there were four intakes, with a total of 630 taken in and, to date, 438 trainee gardaí attested from the first three intakes. The individual totals for these three intakes are 169, 149 and 120. The final intake of 2024 is due to attest later this year. Deputy Carthy can see there is a variation in the numbers for each of the three years that he asked about because it is dependent on whether there are four or five intakes.

There can be variation in the numbers going into each intake but the one thing that is very clear is that in no intake at the Garda College was there as many trainees as the college had capacity to train. At no stage did 200 or even close to 200 attest. In some cases, the figures were far below that. The difficulty is that the Government has been talking for quite some time now about 1,000 gardaí per year being attested. We are nowhere near this. It makes me inclined to accept the position of the Garda Commissioner when he said it was just not possible to train 1,000 gardaí this year. Does the Minister agree with that?

Last year, the numbers trained in Templemore were around 400 short of that target. Does the Minister accept that he, the Department and the Garda still do not have a grip on the recruitment and retention crisis? How many does he expect to attest in total this year?

The programme for Government commitment is that we will recruit 5,000 gardaí during the five-year term of the Government. I am not too worried about whether we get to 1,000 each year and if they are evenly spread over the five years. The priority is to get to 5,000. We need to increase the numbers within the force.

On the retention crisis, the number of resignations from An Garda Síochána is pretty small. In 2024, approximately only 1% of attested members of An Garda Síochána resigned from the force. That is a pretty low number when compared to the PSNI or other police forces in the UK.

On the future, I am trying to recruit as many gardaí this year as possible. I cannot give the Deputy a figure now as to how many but I ask him to give me some ideas. When I was on the backbenches, I suggested proposals such as increasing the age that someone could join to above 35 and extending the retirement age. I am open to Deputy Carthy's ideas.

Will there be five intakes this year or next year in the Garda College? The Minister might also indicate if there are plans to increase the capacity to allow intakes of 250 trainees.

Has the Minister examined the impact of the rate of payment of the Garda training allowance? We know there was an increase but where the very changes he has referred to in the age profile of those joining the gardaí are concerned and how older people generally have more financial commitments, we are told by the representative organisations that the training allowance is still not sufficient to capture people in that demographic. If the Minister is looking for an idea, there is one off the bat - increase the training allowance, increase the intake numbers permitted and ensure we go beyond increasing not just the number of applications. We need the number of gardaí to increase.

On the intakes this year, there will be four. There was one in June, there will be another in August and there will be another before the end of the year. There will be approximately four intakes this year. Some years, there can be five but it is dependent upon each year and how the schedule operates.

On the proposal to increase the training allowance, that is something I will certainly look at. It is something we have indicated in the programme of Government. At present, it is €354 per week during training.

I am confident about the immediate future. It is significant that 6,700 people expressed interest during the recruitment campaign. It is also noteworthy that, of those 6,700 who expressed interest in February, some of them were already starting in the Garda College. Certainly, many of them will be starting in the next intake. Historically, there was a delay turning expressions of interest into trainees on the ground. That is changing and I am pleased to see it is speeding up.

Domestic, Sexual and Gender-based Violence

Catherine Connolly

Question:

2. Deputy Catherine Connolly asked the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration further to the findings of a report (details supplied) that front-line services were contacted 32,144 times, being an increase of 12% on 2023, that 44% of women surveyed were not satisfied with their initial engagement with An Garda Síochána and that its response to more than 65,000 contacts received last year was inconsistent, the urgent steps he is taking to achieve zero tolerance of violence against women; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36323/25]

The Minister is very familiar with the latest Women Aid's report. What will he do, given the significant increase in contacts with Women's Aid and that 44% of women said they were not satisfied with their initial engagement with An Garda Síochána? The response is inconsistent from the Garda in relation to the 65,000 contacts received. What steps is the Minister taking in relation to the zero-tolerance policy of the Government?

I thank Deputy Connolly for her question. As she knows, the Women's Aid report was published last week. I had the privilege and responsibility of launching it. The statistics within it are very concerning. There were 32,144 contacts made with Women's Aid services last year. That was a 12% increase on the previous year. I was also aware of the statistic contained within it that 44% of women were not satisfied with the response they got in the first instance from An Garda Síochána. Notwithstanding the fact that the majority were satisfied, it indicates there is an issue in ensuring gardaí are suitably and adequately qualified in responding to the scourge of domestic violence. My own assessment and the advice I have received from within An Garda Síochána and, indeed, from people who are victims of domestic violence is that, once the victim gets engaged with the experts within An Garda Síochána who are extensively trained in dealing with domestic violence, they have a very positive outcome. That is apparent when one considers the response from people outside court where there has been a successful conviction.

Obviously, it is imperative that we ensure there is adequate and sufficient training for gardaí in the whole area of domestic violence and coercive control. I want Deputy Connolly to know that, in phase 1 of training at Templemore, trainee gardaí complete 34 hours of instruction on domestic and sexual crime investigation, with dedicated classes on domestic abuse investigation in phases 2 and 3. Trainees in Templemore receive an online presentation on the basics of domestic violence investigation, where the importance of positive first contact with victims is highlighted. It is also the case that trainees attend an in-person workshop on the Domestic Violence Act 2018 and An Garda Síochána policy on domestic abuse intervention. At the nine-week operational stage, trainee gardaí assume an observational role attached to Garda stations.

There is training but there certainly needs to be greater improvement.

I followed this up myself since I joined the Dáil in 2016. We had a task force in 1996 and Eithne FitzGerald was the Labour Party Minister of State at that stage. Ever since, we have been playing catch-up. I am not reassured that the Garda now has courses in place. It was acknowledged by the Garda when it was before us at the public accounts committee recently and further details will be sent to us on the improvements that would be made. Women's Aid tells us its own services are overstretched and underfunded.

I am lost for words because I have spoken about it so often. The level of violence is horrific. We should drop the word "domestic". There are not even refuges in each county. In a sense, that is the wrong way to be going. We have to go that way but that removes the woman from the house as opposed to the offender.

One of the top recommendations from the task force in 1996 was that we needed to have an intervention strategy in relation to the perpetrator. That has never happened and the figures have grown exponentially despite all the strategies and legislation.

This is a societal problem. However, my own assessment of it is that there is a growing recognition of the extent of this problem and there is a greater sense of confidence and capacity on the part of women to no longer tolerate this and therefore, to report it.

There is a debate as to whether the increased numbers are due to an increase in violence against women or a greater sense of confidence and security in coming forward. It is probably an alignment of both, I regret to say. The increase in violence against women seems to be driven from the completely malign and repulsive presentation on social media to young men and boys as to how relationships should develop. We need to keep an eye on what is happening with boys and young men owing to what they are being exposed to online. However, I believe the attitude of society, politics and people in this House to domestic violence has changed remarkably. There is strong resistance to tolerating it any further. The Garda is doing a good job in respect of it.

I disagree. The Garda is doing a good job through the protective units but I disagree with the Minister that things have changed in terms of societal attitudes. The Minister could do certain things and act very quickly. He could act regarding the domestic violence register he promised. He has given me no timeline for that.

Women’s Aid has consistently stated the strongest legislation will not make a difference, even if it is enforced, without a complete overhaul of our approach to violence - I am not going to use the word “domestic” - or to crime. There should be mandatory training for gardaí at every level. In the 21st century, we should not be talking about protective units that are good while the general body of gardaí do not have mandatory training in this area. Family law needs to be overhauled. It is described by Women's Aid and other organisations on the ground that are expert in this as disempowering. Going through the process adds to the abuse.

There are practical things Deputy O’Callaghan, as the new Minister, can do now that will make a difference.

There is mandatory training for trainees in Templemore, as I outlined in my answer. Second, I have instructed officials in my Department to prepare the heads of Bill amending the Domestic Violence Act to ensure that, with respect to persons convicted of serious offences on indictment, the detail will be published in court judgments. This will entail a decision by the judges hearing the case. Efforts are being made and, as the Deputy knows, I have permission from the Government to draft an amendment to the counselling notes. This is being drafted at present and it will be contained within the criminal law (miscellaneous provisions) Bill. There are also other legislative provisions, including on sex for rent and the register, that I have brought forward.

Deportation Orders

Matt Carthy

Question:

3. Deputy Matt Carthy asked the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration the annual percentage of those who received a final negative decision on their international protection application who left Ireland within 30 days and who provided authorities with documentary evidence that they had left within three days of arrival in their home country, for each of the past five years, in tabular form; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36638/25]

The Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, will know there is a sense that the enforcement of negative decisions within the international protection system is not working. I would appreciate it if he could outline to the House the percentage of those who received final negative decisions who voluntarily left Ireland within the 30-day period and subsequently provided authorities with evidence that they had done so within three days of arrival in their home countries.

I thank the Deputy for the question. It is a central priority for me, as Minister for State, that Ireland’s immigration system is firm, fair and effective. Returning people who do not have permission to remain in Ireland is undertaken through both voluntary returns and deportation. Both types of returns are essential for the system to work effectively and ensure confidence in the application of our legislation in this area.

My Department has a voluntary return programme to assist people to return prior to the issuance of a deportation order. It is important to note that a person can avail of voluntary return only before a deportation order is issued. A person who intends to avail of voluntary return can arrange their return independently or be assisted with travel costs, financial aid and administrative support by the voluntary return unit in my Department, or through my Department’s partner, the UN’s International Organization for Migration. The option of voluntary return is not offered to those convicted of serious criminality.

If a person receives a final negative decision on their international protection application, they are informed of the option of voluntary return and have five days to indicate whether they wish to avail of it. If a person decides not to avail of a voluntary return within this period, a deportation order is made against them.

People who make their own arrangements are given 30 days to leave. They are required to provide officials with documentary evidence that they have left within three days of their arrival in their home country. This can include evidence of flight tickets, boarding passes, the bio-data page of their passports and the re-entry stamp in their passport with the passport number clearly shown.

People who require assistance to leave Ireland will have the necessary arrangements made by the voluntary returns unit. This may include obtaining travel documents, flight bookings and ground transport. People who receive assistance must provide evidence of their return.

Further information and evidence will be requested if the supporting documentation submitted is not sufficient to confirm the person has left the State. People who do not submit the required documentation within the timeframe are advised that their cases will result in the issuing of a deportation order. In many instances, those availing of voluntary return will be met by officials from the border management unit of my Department.

In 2024, 934 people left Ireland by way of voluntary return. This year up to 27 June, 808 people have left Ireland by way of voluntary return, which is an increase of 223% by comparison with the number in the same period in 2024. Six hundred and fifteen of these were refused international protection status. Since 2020, over 2,300 people have left Ireland under the programme.

I am just not sure whether the Minister of State has actually answered the question. In respect of the numbers he provided on voluntary returns - 934 and 885, if I noted them correctly - can he confirm that the people notified the authorities with the appropriate documentation within three days of having voluntarily left? Could he give a breakdown differentiating between those who made their own arrangements to leave and those who received assistance from the voluntary returns unit? This is fundamental. There are three distinct issues within the international protection system that clearly have not been working: the time it takes for processing decisions; the scandal within the accommodation system owing to the profiteering that is taking place; and decision enforcement. I would just like to get clarification on the numbers the Minister of State has provided. Is there documentary proof? There is clearly a further gap in respect of people whose situations we just do not know.

To clarify, if a person has left voluntarily, he or she must provide, on foot of a request, officials with documentary evidence within three days that they have left Ireland. If they do not do so, a deportation order can be issued.

Of the 808 people who left by way of voluntary return this year up to 27 June, 615 had been refused international protection status. Since 2020, 2,300 people have left Ireland under the programme. Of these, just over 1,600 had been refused international protection status. In these instances, the departures of the people in question have been confirmed. We have a clear indication from right across Europe that, in many instances, people who avail of the voluntary return programme do not return.

It would be useful if the Minister of State explained to the House the process for tracking and monitoring those who receive a final negative decision to ensure they leave Ireland as required. How many people are now in the State who have received a final negative decision but who have not left voluntarily, even if they have indicated an intention to do so? It is important to know how many are now currently subject to the deportation order.

Do we have information on the precise locations of those people who have received a negative decision or a deportation order but who are currently in Ireland? If so, can the Minister of State quantify precisely how many people are currently in the State who would fall into either of these categories?

The Deputy will be aware that we do not have an exit system for leaving our country. The reason is that there are various circumstances concerning how we manage people coming and going, particularly with the common travel area. We believe, based on clear indications, that the vast majority of people served with a deportation order do actually leave the country.

The indication is that people who are served with a deportation order choose to leave. They leave voluntarily. The exact tracking of that, which would require a system of having an actual process of registering the exit out of the country, is something that is very difficult to implement within a common travel area. It would put a very onerous burden on people moving across the Border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. For that reason, while we have clear indications that the vast majority of people do leave when served with a deportation order, we do not have the exact number of all those who have left, having been served with one.

Legislative Measures

Mark Ward

Question:

4. Deputy Mark Ward asked the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration for an update on the criminal justice disregard of certain convictions related to consensual sexual activity Bill; when it will be completed; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36639/25]

While most of the world celebrated Pride last week and this week, in Ireland there are still men who have criminal convictions for just being gay before 1993. Can I have an update on the Disregard of Historic Offences for Consensual Sexual Activity Between Men Bill 2025? When will it be completed and when will these men have their criminal convictions quashed?

I thank Deputy Ward for asking this question. He will recall that about six weeks ago, during the last round of oral questions to the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, his colleague Deputy Ó Snodaigh raised a similar question. During the course of an exchange between me and Deputy Ó Snodaigh, I stated that we should look to see if there is some mechanism of expediting this process of bringing forward legislation. Deputy Ward will be aware that a working group produced a report in 2023 which set out a very detailed yet slightly complicated statutory proposal as to how the scheme would operate.

When I was discussing the matter with Deputy Ó Snodaigh on the last occasion, I said I would go back to the Department and see if there was any way it could be expedited. I would like him to know that I asked my officials to examine whether the draft heads for the disregard scheme could be produced in a streamlined form that would facilitate their inclusion in the miscellaneous provisions Bill which is currently with the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel for drafting. I believe this is achievable and offers a speedier route to enactment than a dedicated disregard Bill. Drafting of legislative heads on these lines is now at an advanced stage and I hope to bring the heads to Government for approval shortly, with a view to their being added to the miscellaneous provisions Bill.

I commend Deputy Ó Snodaigh and the other members of the Opposition who last Tuesday introduced the Disregard of Historic Offences for Consensual Sexual Activity Between Men Bill 2025. I have had an opportunity to look at the Bill. It is a very fine piece of professional drafting. I will certainly take it into consideration and officials in my Department will take it into account when working on the legislative heads I have outlined. My priority is to try to get legislation enacted as quickly as possible. Whether that is done through my miscellaneous provisions Bill, which I think is probably the speedier way of doing it, or through the Opposition Private Members' Bill, I am agnostic in respect of that. The important thing is that we try to put in place a speedy statutory scheme to facilitate these men whom Deputy Ward spoke about.

I thank the Minister. It is hard to believe that only 32 years ago it was illegal to be gay in Ireland. In 1993, when the law was changed, I was only 18. I was not aware of this rule when I was 18 but you can bet your life if I had been a young gay man, I would have been. Gay men at the time would have been driven underground. They suffered trauma and abuse. Ireland has come a long way since 1993, mostly for the better. It is hard to believe that being gay was a crime until 1993. It is still hard to believe that there are men who have convictions for being gay prior to 1993. The last record I have is that between 1983 and 1993, there were 64 convictions. Most of these men are probably still alive at this stage.

I am aware that the Minister has competing interests. I am on the justice committee so I know how busy we are. However, this is a chance to do the right thing. I welcome the Minister's comments on bringing provisions forward through a miscellaneous provisions Bill. Would these provisions quash individual convictions or what way would it work?

I thank the Deputy. Just to add to the statistics, because it is important we know the extent of what we are potentially talking about, it is hard to be definitive but research indicates that between 1950 and 1993, when homosexuality was decriminalised, approximately 940 men received convictions under the Offences Against the Person Act or the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 1885. The Deputy is absolutely correct. A number of these men will still be alive and will still have convictions over their name for something that we now regard as something that should not have been criminalised in the past. I do not want a scheme that is going to be too complicated or onerous. I want a scheme whereby individuals will have to apply, and also an opportunity for representatives of a deceased person to apply. Although many of the 64 men will be alive, there are men from before that and a majority of the 940 who probably are deceased. We need to ensure there is an opportunity for the living and for representatives of the recently deceased to bring an application in respect of this.

I welcome the Minister's comments on the Bill that was introduced this week by Deputy Ó Snodaigh and several other Opposition Deputies, the Disregard of Historic Offences for Consensual Sexual Activity Between Men Bill 2025. The timing was to coincide with Pride last week and this week. We still have people around the world who are subjected to tyranny and abuse just for being gay. In its essence, this Bill aims to eradicate the historic criminal convictions imposed for the offences of consensual sexual activity between men prior to 1993. The Bill was drafted by campaigners and a lot of work was put into it. A lot of campaigning and research went into the Bill. As the Minister acknowledged, the statistics show that between 1983 and 1993 there were 64 convictions for being gay and there is a good chance that these men are still alive.

I welcome that the Minister is agnostic, as he said, about whether to progress his Bill or the Opposition Bill. What does he think would be the speedier process? Has he given that any consideration? Would he support the progression of the Opposition Bill that was introduced this week?

My view is that since the Department of Justice, Home Affairs and Migration has been working on a particular Bill up to now, and I have asked the officials to expedite this matter to see if we can get it into the miscellaneous provisions Bill, that is probably the speedier method of getting it done. There is an advantage to being in government from the point of view of trying to get legislation through the House. I commend Opposition colleagues who bring in detailed Bills, such as the one presented here last Tuesday, but Deputy Ward knows himself that they require the use of Private Members' time. I would not oppose this Bill on Second Stage but I do think it will be quicker if it is done through the criminal law (miscellaneous provisions) Bill that I will be introducing later this year.

One of the tricky things about this, which the Bill Deputy Ó Snodaigh introduced recognises, is that there is a distinction between persons who were convicted for homosexual activity between consenting males - everyone recognises that if there was not consensual activity and if the individual was of a young age-----

That is a crime.

That could not be quashed.

That is where the complexity is. I am positive about the fact that something is going to be done shortly.

Prison Service

Tom Brabazon

Question:

5. Deputy Tom Brabazon asked the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration the actions his Department is taking to provide additional prison places to meet current and future demand. [36720/25]

I thank Deputy Brabazon for the question. I am very aware of the capacity issues that exist in our prisons, and challenges faced by those who work and live in our prisons as a result. The current programme for Government commits to increasing the capacity of our prisons by an additional 1,500 spaces, and the Irish Prison Service has already begun work to achieve this. Since January 2022, capacity across the prison estate has been increased by more than 300 new spaces, with 126 delivered in 2024 and 40 delivered to date in 2025, with plans to deliver a further 101 additional spaces by the end this year.

Budget 2025 increased overall funding to the Irish Prison Service by €79 million, or 18%, when compared to 2024, bringing the total allocated to nearly €525 million. This increase is to fund measures to address overcrowding, including a capital budget of €53 million, which is €22.5 million more than the original 2024 allocation. The Irish Prison Service also aims to recruit up to 300 prison officers in 2025, in addition to the 271 prison officers recruited in 2024.

The future prison capacity working group was established back in 2024 to further consider future prison capacity needs and to make recommendations on the numbers and types of prison capacity needed out to 2035. I brought the report of this working group to Cabinet recently and it will be published shortly. I also recently brought to Cabinet a proposal to accelerate the delivery of 960 additional prison spaces by utilising an exemption from the initial approval stages of the infrastructure guidelines for these projects.

That is the public spending code. This will enable accelerated delivery with timelines reduced by 12 months to 18 months. Overall, there are plans in place to deliver extra spaces. It has to be done rapidly. I am doing it as fast as I can, but I understand the capacity issues.

I warmly welcome the provision in the programme for Government for the construction of Thornton Hall and the additional places the Minister mentioned. The current prison population is 14% over capacity. The Irish Penal Reform Trust, IPRT, has expressed serious concern about the current situation. The Minister is doing his absolute best in that regard. I have concern about the appearance of a revolving door situation. It can be demoralising for members of An Garda Síochána who have spent a lot of time and resources investigating, prosecuting and achieving a conviction, only to find out a convict is back out on the streets quickly because the Prison Service does not have sufficient capacity. The dearth of prison places might also affect judicial discretion. Judges might be leaning towards a custodial sentence and because they see some of their customers, for want of a better word, coming before them again very quickly after they have been previously given a custodial sentence, it might sway it the other way.

This is one area of the criminal justice system where there are capacity issues that need to be addressed fundamentally and rapidly. We invest huge resources in An Garda Síochána and the courts to ensure we get cases on for hearing in the criminal courts as quickly as possible. The whole system will not operate effectively if, at the end of those processes when a person has received a significant custodial sentence, there is an issue arising in respect of capacity for that person to serve their sentence.

As the Deputy will appreciate, it is also the case that we need to look at alternatives to imprisonment. There are a lot of people in prison. I have visited five of the prisons to date. There are a lot of people in prison who have serious health and addiction issues. There are also people in prison who could be doing community service. That is an area that I am going to change by amending the community services legislation to allow judges to now consider the imposition of community sanctions in respect of a person on whom a sentence of up to two years in prison is to be imposed. There are options other than fining or incarcerating somebody.

I warmly welcome the Minister's comments in relation to alternatives to custodial sentences and that he is reviewing the alternatives. Community service is something that could benefit society more widely.

I want the House to be aware that there are some very fine prisons in Ireland. We talked about Cork Prison. The new Cork Prison, which I have visited, is an excellent prison. Similarly, I have visited both the men's and women's prisons in Limerick. Huge investment went into them. The Irish Prison Service deserve to be commended on getting these prisons built on time and on budget. When we do prisons, we do them well. Our population has increased significantly. However, our prison capacity has not similarly increased. If we go back to 2011, we had a prison capacity of approximately 4,600. Today, we still have a prison capacity of 4,600. We need to recognise that with the increasing population, there has to be an increase in capacity for prisons. That is not a sign that we are turning into a lock-them-up society, but it is an indication that when there is a greater population, we are going to need greater prison spaces.

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