Vol. 1076 No. 4
1. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for an update on her Department’s recent engagements with the government of Ukraine in relation to the ongoing conflict and efforts made to reach a ceasefire. [66753/25]
First, I want to take the opportunity to wish the Minister, Deputy McEntee, the best of luck in her new role. I look forward to working with her on issues of concern to Ireland and our interests.
The question relates to our engagement with the Government of Ukraine and to the ongoing conflict and the efforts made to reach a ceasefire. Unfortunately, some of the discussions in recent weeks and some of the proposals on the table are rather partial and, unfortunately, undermine the position of the Government of Ukraine. That is regrettable, but ultimately we are all hoping for a peace that is sustainable and just. I look forward to hearing the Minister's response to the Irish Government's assessment of the situation.
I thank the Deputy. I look forward to working with him and our colleagues on many matters.
At this critical juncture for Ukraine, after almost four years of brutal Russian aggression, I want to emphasise Ireland’s unequivocal support and solidarity with Ukraine. This something I have emphasised a number of times, most recently when I attended the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council on 20 November where Ukraine’s foreign affairs minister, Andrii Sybiha, spoke about recent Russian attacks against Ukraine.
A meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council which took place yesterday was also addressed by the foreign affairs minister.
I welcome the ongoing efforts of President Trump and the United States to end Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and to achieve just and lasting peace and security, not just for Ukraine, but for the EU and Europe more widely. It is more important than ever that Europe and the United States continue to work together to achieve this. The emerging US proposals, as well as plans for further negotiations, represent a step forward. I welcome the progress made at Sunday’s meeting between the US and Ukraine in Geneva. We look forward to these talks continuing in a positive manner and to further progress being achieved.
Ukraine is engaging positively and constructively in these discussions despite the ongoing Russian military assault on its towns, cities, ports and critical energy infrastructure. It is crucial that any agreement upholds Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence based on respect for the principles of the UN Charter. The fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force must be upheld.
Any agreement must also protect Ukraine and Europe’s vital security. That means strong, credible guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity to avoid a repetition of the past. As the Deputy said, while the proposals in the plan put forward by the United States are welcome, there are very clearly areas that need further work. I am sure that is exactly what is happening at the moment. This is not just vital for Ukraine, it is also vital for the European Union and all member states, including Ireland. It is welcome that assurances have been given that the EU and Europe will be involved in discussions on issues that directly affect us, including enlargement and immobilised assets.
The Taoiseach and I remain in close contact with our European and Ukrainian counterparts. The Taoiseach took part in a meeting of the European Council on 24 November and attended a meeting of the coalition of the willing on 25 November, which was on the margins of the EU-African Union Summit. I will revert to the Deputy on further engagements.
I think it was last week that we had statements on Ukraine. They are now an annual occurrence. Every time they occur, many contributors reflect that they hope the next time such statements happen, there will be a ceasefire. Unfortunately, the war and assault on Ukraine continue unabated. In recent weeks, we have seen some appalling attacks, including on Ternopil, with civilians and civilian infrastructure being targeted. In that context, it is very difficult and almost near-impossible to see that Russia's interest in peace is in any way sincere. For a long time, it has been merely paying lip-service to that.
It is unfortunate the confusion that exists in relation to the role of the United States in mediating. If it is taking on a role in mediating peace, it is welcome. Clearly, it has the potential to play a leadership role. Unfortunately, what has emerged is somewhat confusing in terms of what is being said by Marco Rubio on the one hand and by Steve Witkoff on the other. I think this has made the position of Ukraine difficult. What is the Government's assessment of what is currently being proposed by the US Government?
I agree with the Deputy's initial comments. My own view, and I think that of many member states, as was reflected in our recent meeting, is that the actions of Russia indicate that it is not a country that is seeking peace. That is very clear, not just from the fact that innocent civilians have been killed in recent days and weeks but also the fact that there continue to be persistent hybrid threats to neighbouring member states. Our friends in Poland told us very clearly of the blowing up of a trainline and only for one device not detonating, there would have been significant casualties. Similarly, hybrid threats are happening at airports in nearby countries, such as Lithuania and others. These are not the actions of a country that wants peace.
I genuinely welcome the engagement of the United States and its efforts to bring forward a peace agreement. Again, I have to stress that the 28-point plan that we initially saw over the weekend very clearly had elements that needed further work. The engagement of EU member states, the United States, Ukraine and the EU institutions in discussions is welcome, as is the clear indication from President Trump more recently that the deadline of today is no longer a deadline. I think it shows a clear commitment on all sides, separate to Russia, to reach that agreement. We need to make sure all sides are putting pressure on Russia to come around the table to realise that long-lasting peace and to make sure that it is a peace that will not just have strong implications for Ukraine, but for the EU and the European region in general.
Arbitrary deadlines are challenging at the best of times, but arbitrary deadlines when the goalposts keep shifting are even more challenging. It is important that time be taken to properly calibrate realistic proposals. This is about justice, but it is also about sustainability and ensuring a sustainable peace. A peace that is unjust and does not reflect the rights of the people of Ukraine will ultimately fail to be sustainable and will only embolden Russia.
The work that the Irish Government and other governments have done in relation to the several thousand abducted children is very important. I hope they will continue that work. It is a profound crime and a crime against humanity. It is hard to imagine the pain and grief this has caused for individual families. It is also an assault against the Ukrainian people. Will the Minister outline how the Government intends to advance that particular work and ensure that there is justice and accountability for that crime?
We will continue to support all efforts towards a peaceful resolution. In the meantime, and separate to and in conjunction with that, there are other ways in which we can provide support and assistance.
In relation to the forcibly transported or deported Ukrainian children, we will continue to raise this at every avenue possible. We have been clear in condemning what is the absolutely horrific crime of taking young children from their families. We are engaging with UN agencies to try to find other solutions to this issue and I will consistently raise it with my colleagues at the Foreign Affairs Council, through our UN agencies and with the High Representative.
In terms of other ways in which we are providing support, we will continue to provide financial support, making sure that we provide the humanitarian aid needed in Ukraine. We will also provide the non-lethal support that is needed. We are also being very strong in our support for Ukraine's accession. It is really important that Ukraine and others see its pathway towards membership of the European Union. From the outset, we have been very strong in providing that support and we want to make sure that continues. It is something that we will be focusing on very strongly throughout our Presidency.
2. Deputy Duncan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to provide an update on the Israeli settlements (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66299/25]
4. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the current progress of the drafting of the Israeli settlements (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. [66755/25]
I genuinely wish the Minister, Deputy McEntee, all the best in her new role. I am sure the experience gained in her previous Ministry in European affairs will be a great grounding for the work she has ahead.
My question is seeking an update on the prohibition of settlement goods Bill, which has been the primary Bill in terms of the public's attention during this calendar year. It has been on the books for seven years in some form. I would love an update to see how it is progressing.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 2 and 4 together.
In June, the Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. The main purpose of the Bill is to prohibit the importation of goods into the State from Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. The Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade held a number of hearings on the general scheme and received submissions representing a range of views and perspectives.
Pre-legislative scrutiny is an important part of the legislative process and the Tánaiste thanked the committee for its report on receipt. Detailed work to analyse the report and its recommendations is well underway. The regulatory impact assessment is also currently being finalised by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and will be available on the Department’s website when completed, which I hope will be soon. The next steps in the process, including the timeline for the progress of the Bill, are being considered by the Government.
The general scheme fulfils our commitment in the programme for Government to prohibit the import of goods from settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory. Trade in services is considerably more complex than is the case with goods and there remains considerable legal uncertainty as to whether the inclusion of services is permissible under EU law. Legal clarity is needed on this point. This is something that I want to receive, but I made it very clear at the very outset when being appointed to this role that I intended to fulfil our commitment in the programme for Government to enact this legislation. We must also take account of practical issues with regard to the implementation should services be included in the scope of the Bill.
It remains the Government’s preference that collective action would be taken at an EU level and we continue to pursue this. In this context, Ireland has welcomed the announcements by the Dutch, Spanish, Slovenian and Belgian Governments regarding the banning of the importation of goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements.
We obviously know that those measures were introduced prior to the ceasefire, but those announcements by the Dutch, Spanish, Slovenian and Belgian Governments were welcome. We are working with all of them.
Notwithstanding the positive and welcome developments with regard to the ceasefire and hostage release deal in Gaza, Ireland has also made clear its view that the EU must keep the package of measures proposed by the Commission in response to Israeli human rights and other breaches on the table. It is an issue that Ireland raised and led the charge on. We want to ensure a significant response and to keep those measures on the table. They are very much firmly on the table.
The primary focus at EU level right now is ensuring the success of the ceasefire and peace deal, and of making a contribution to international efforts in this regard, as well as making sure that the humanitarian aid that is so badly needed does not just continue to flow but increases. There are significant concerns about the number of young people who will face starvation if the number of trucks does not increase significantly. It is essential that peace be given a chance to succeed. It is essential that the humanitarian aid and assistance that are needed are allowed to enter Gaza. The Government in Ireland will do everything in our power to ensure we support both of these objectives.
Pre-legislative scrutiny ended on 31 July and a report was delivered. On 2 October in this Chamber, the previous Minister for foreign affairs said it was his expectation that the Bill would be before the Dáil by the end of November. Today is the last sitting day of November, so that is obviously not happening. Between 2 October and now, what has happened and what has changed?
The Minister said in her initial contribution that there remained legal uncertainty. What work is the Attorney General doing to unravel that legal uncertainty? Has the Minister set a deadline for when she wishes to receive legal certainty on services? We believe there is legal certainty, and this was well-aired and demonstrated during the pre-legislative scrutiny stage. This feels as if it is being delayed unduly.
On the economic impact side, we are awaiting a report from the Department of foreign affairs. Has the Minister set a deadline for when that report will be delivered to her? What pressure is she putting on the Department of foreign affairs in that regard?
The occupied territories Bill still matters. It has always mattered. It mattered long before the last two and half - almost three - years of slaughter in Gaza. It was all the more important during that period. It is important that every state that wants to stand against a genocide uses whatever leverage it can. It mattered before that and it still matters because my position and that of the Irish Government and many other people is that we want to see a sustainable two-state solution. The Israeli Government is continuing its actions, even now, against the backdrop of a ceasefire. It is difficult to call it a "ceasefire" when hundreds of people have been killed by Israeli forces in the period. We have seen attacks on people by settlers. We have incursions and continued undermining of the two-state solution. It cannot be that we freeze here with the ceasefire, insofar as it is a ceasefire, and leave it at that. Clearly, we need to see pressure put on Israel to ensure that the two-state solution is made sustainable.
The Government's position has been clear that our overall objective is a two-state solution. We have been working towards that for some time and not just in recent years. It has always been our goal and objective. That is why we recognised the State of Palestine. It is why we are doing everything to ensure that this peace is lasting. It is why we will be hosting a global alliance summit in January, bringing together Heads of State to show how we have, on our own island, progressed a peaceful resolution to what was a long-lasting conflict. We want to do everything in our power to ensure the territorial integrity of Palestine is upheld. That will be our continued goal and objective.
In terms of the legislation itself, I, as Minister, have in the past week given a clear commitment that we will fulfil our commitments in the programme for Government. Deputies will appreciate that I have only been in the Department for a week. I am looking for the advice of the Attorney General on services. We have always been clear that enacting the legislation in terms of services is more complex. I await the advice of the Attorney General. I have not received the draft Bill but anticipate I will receive it soon. I expect the work that is being carried out on the impact assessment to be ready soon.
The Deputies will appreciate that I have only been in the Department for a week. I want to ensure that I have all of the information available to me to be able to progress this legislation. I will work with colleagues on all sides of the House. I am absolutely clear that as a country, we need to do everything in our power to bring what is a very fragile ceasefire to a more permanent ceasefire. We need to ensure that we continue to use whatever levers are available to us to hold people accountable. I acknowledge that, since the ceasefire, there have been killings of innocent civilians. That is why the measures against the EU-Israel agreement are firmly on the table. This issue was raised at the most recent meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council. I am pleased to say that it is still firmly on the agenda. Other colleagues and I made it clear that it needed to remain on the agenda because we cannot have a situation where the ceasefire is broken on either side. Deputies can be assured of my commitment to making sure that we make progress and continue to support the Palestinian people in what is an absolutely dire situation at the moment.
Notwithstanding the short time she has been in the job, this is the only new legislation that has come through the foreign affairs brief this year. It is not a small Bill. It has been well aired. The Minister spoke about it in the national media this year as a member of the Government. At this stage, the people of Ireland and Opposition TDs need more certainty in respect of timelines. It is not good enough for the Minister to say that the legal advice is going to come soon. We would like timelines for where it is going to happen. What are the issues in relation to the legal uncertainty?
The Minister mentioned last week that she may have to have discussions with American politicians. I would like more clarity on her plans in that regard. It feels as if this legislation is being delayed unduly, with a wall of silence at this point.
Following on from that, I think communication with any politicians in America or anywhere else must make clear exactly what this legislation does. It is squarely within the footprint of international law. It is targeting the occupied territories and nothing else.
I will make a couple of points on the legal side of things. I find this debate rather frustrating. We have been told there is legal uncertainty. It is difficult to understand how it was possible to ensure there was an effective ban on trade in goods and services in response to the situation in Ukraine. The fact that it originated at European level does not make a difference to how it is implemented at a domestic level. If it is initiated domestically, the functional way in which it is implemented is much the same. What legal obstacles did not exist in the other case that exist in this one? It is very hard to understand.
I made the point that the Minister was new in the brief. I hope a change of course can happen. It seems to me that the Government has been stuck between deciding to drop the Bill, slow-pedal it or water it down, and has decided to do all of the above, to date. It is hard to justify, given the way it has been articulated for so long, how it has taken so long to get to this point.
I do not think it is any secret that our colleagues in the United States of America do not support this legislation. It is no secret that many states have anti-boycott legislation and have been clear about how this would be enacted. I do not think we should ignore that. At the same time, Ireland has always done what is the right thing in terms of-----
We should be clear about what it is.
Ireland has always done what has been the right thing to do, including in recognising Palestine and encouraging other member states to do so. I am pleased that so many other member states have done that. We have provided financial assistance. We were one of the first member states to support the South African case. We have ensured that at every step of the way, we have done the right thing. We will consistently continue to do the right thing.
I intend to write to my colleague, the High Representative, the chair of the Foreign Affairs Council, in relation to humanitarian aid. Given the update I received this week, I am not happy that we are doing enough to ensure more aid is getting to those who need it the most. There is more we can do, and can continue to do, to ensure that those who need our help the most get it immediately and that our actions have an impact.
The Government has not been shy about saying that collective responses have a greater impact. We have been working with our European colleagues to ensure there is clearly an item on the table to remove preferential tariffs from Israel if it continues in the same vein. That needs to remain on the table. Ursula von der Leyen's most recent comments expressed that it was something that must remain on the table.
In terms of the legislation, there are certain things that still need to be completed. I assure Deputies that once I have the legal advice from the Attorney General and the results of the work being done to look at the overall regulatory impact assessment, and once I assess that and the huge body work that was done by the committee - I acknowledge that, and my colleagues who put considerable work into pre-legislative scrutiny - we will be able to work collectively to bring forward legislation and ensure that our overall commitment to support Palestine and a two-state solution, and to bring about a lasting solution, can be front and centre in what we do here.
3. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade her views on the situation in Sudan; her position on same and in particular the need to ensure access to appropriate aid; and her further position on the concerning flow of weapons into the country. [66754/25]
The scenes we are seeing in the media on our phones and televisions from Sudan are horrific. They are redolent of the kinds of scenes we saw in Rwanda 30 years ago. People are being cut down in the street and being slaughtered indiscriminately and unfortunately it seems to be escalating. Tens of thousands of people in Darfur are unaccounted for. We do not know where they are or whether they have got out of El-Fasher. We will have a debate on it later, but it is vital that we keep focus on this issue. I look forward to hearing about the Government's position.
I thank the Deputy for raising this matter. Deputies Duncan Smith and Heneghan have asked similar questions and we will have a longer debate on it this afternoon.
The conflict in Sudan has resulted in the world’s most severe humanitarian and protection crisis, with more than 150,000 deaths, over 2 million forcibly displaced and more than 21 million people facing crisis levels of hunger. Following the appalling recent attacks against civilians by the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, in El-Fasher, violence continues to escalate in north Darfur and the Kordofan regions. Large-scale, ethnically motivated atrocities, including summary executions, civilian detentions and rape and starvation as weapons of war, are unfortunately widespread.
The Government has consistently highlighted the scale of the humanitarian crisis and the urgent need to act to ensure the protection of civilians, particularly women and girls, and safe passage for those fleeing. Also critical is the need to ensure unimpeded humanitarian access in line with international humanitarian law to reach those must in need. This year, Ireland has provided €14.3 million in humanitarian assistance to support the people most in need in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. This assistance is channelled through trusted UN, Red Cross, Irish NGO and local partners to provide life-saving assistance. We are committed to further increasing our assistance in 2026.
At EU level, Ireland has taken a leading role in initiating discussions on Sudan, including on the establishment of the EU sanctions regime and, most recently, in calling for the implementation of the October Council conclusions. The November EU Foreign Affairs Council, which the Minister, Deputy McEntee, attended, adopted restrictive measures against a senior RSF commander. We are gravely concerned by reports that arms continue to reach parties to the conflict, despite existing UN and EU embargoes and sanctions. Along with our EU and other partners, we have called on all external actors directly or indirectly supplying arms and funds to the parties to cease their support immediately. Ireland, with the EU, will continue to advocate for the expansion of the arms embargo to the whole territory of Sudan.
I welcome the statement. It is perhaps more robust than the statements made previously, in the latter part. The people of Sudan have suffered for a considerable period and unfortunately the hope they had a few years ago that a democratic settlement would emerge has not materialised. This appalling conflict is now happening. It is important that all parties to the conflict, the government forces and the RSF, seek peace to the greatest extent possible. The Government just made a good statement about the flow of weapons. It has been widely commented on and is widely believed that the Government of the United Arab Emirates is one of the surrogates. The Irish Government seems to be reluctant to identify that. Has the Government raised directly with those governments that are escalating the conflict our concerns about the flow of arms?
On discussions, as I mentioned, the Government has raised this at EU and UN levels, where appropriate. I have also personally discussed it at a political level with senior officials and ministers from the UAE. That happened at a meeting in Dublin a number of months ago, meetings held in Abu Dhabi and Dubai and at High-Level Week of the UN General Assembly, and I will be meeting the UAE ambassador in a few hours.
We have made it clear to all parties that we do not believe there should be any breaches of the arms embargo. Any allegations of that have been consistently denied by the UAE, as the Deputy will appreciate. However, the UAE, alongside the USA, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, is a member of the Quad, a group formed with the aim of resolving the conflict and we have encouraged all parties with influence to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the conflict and an end to the suffering of civilians. However, substantive political engagement and co-ordination is also needed between the EU, the African Union, the Quad and other international and national actors on de-escalation and mediation efforts.
I appreciate that it is denied. Whether those denials are credible is another question. I welcome that the Minister of State will meet the ambassador later. It is important that this issue is on the agenda. Unfortunately, it seems that the people of Sudan are to some extent pawns in a struggle for regional influence and they are paying a very high price for it. The other humanitarian element of it is the huge refugee crisis. The neighbouring countries, particularly Egypt and perhaps Chad and others, have significant numbers of refugees. I understand from what the Minister of State said that the Irish Government will continue to support investment in ensuring those refugees are supported. It is the largest movement of people in the world at the moment. Literally millions of people are looking for refuge.
Let there be no underestimation. This is the worst humanitarian crisis happening in the world at the moment and it has been for a considerable time. It is the largest displacement of people, and Ireland will not be found wanting.
As I mentioned, so far this year, we have allocated €4.3 million in humanitarian assistance. That included an additional €3 million announced by me and the Tánaiste in September at the UN and we are committed to increasing that in 2026 as needed. We also made sure our payments to UN agency partners were brought forward this year due to the liquidity crisis, to make sure refugees from this conflict and others were not victims of a liquidity crisis. I intend to visit Uganda, which is home to a lot of refugees, particularly from South Sudan, in February next year and will continue to make sure our support is known about and felt.
5. Deputy Naoise Ó Muirí asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she will outline the preparations currently under way in her Department to meet the demands of Ireland’s Presidency of the European Union; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66109/25]
Ar dtús báire, déanaim comhghairdeas leis an Aire ar a ceapachán mar Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus Trádála. Go n-éirí léi ina post nua.
My question concerns the significant opportunity Ireland will have this year to help to shape the clár, or agenda, of the European Council. Will the Minister outline the preparations currently under way in her Department?
I thank the Deputy. As he outlined, Ireland will hold the EU Presidency in the second half of 2026. This is an important opportunity and, as the new Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, I am looking forward to engaging actively on our policy and operational preparations. My engagement with officials in the Department has already started. I am determined that we will make the most of our Presidency to shape the EU agenda. The priorities and policy programme for our Presidency will take into account the EU’s strategic agenda for 2024 to 2029 and the legislative work programme of the European Commission. They will also be shaped by our own priorities across an array of areas, including but not limited to, the protection of EU values at home and abroad, the enlargement of the Union, European security and the competitiveness and simplification agenda, which covers a wide range of areas including housing, the delivery of infrastructure, agriculture and many other areas. It is important to stress, however, that our policy programme will only be finalised and published shortly before the start of our Presidency term in June 2026. The Deputy will appreciate that many things change, many issues come off the agenda because they are concluded and other issues need to be further addressed. We need to take that into account in setting out our final priorities.
I recognise the importance, in particular, of ensuring that stakeholder groups also have their voices heard. We need to make sure that everyone in Ireland feels they have an opportunity to have their say and be part of the overall discussion and work. A series of consultation meetings with stakeholders from across business, civil society, trade unions and other interest groups has recently taken place.
A call for written submissions on the development of Ireland’s policy priorities, hosted on gov.ie, launched on 5 November and will run until 12 December. I encourage anybody who wants to have their say to take part in that online consultation. Work is also under way to prepare for more than 250 meetings that will be hosted in Ireland during the Presidency. These will include a summit of the European Political Community, an informal meeting of the European Council and up to 22 informal ministerial meetings. The Government has made a firm commitment to resource and deliver a successful Presidency. I am confident that in 2026, Ireland will be able to make a significant and positive contribution in leading the EU’s agenda.
It is clear that there is a lot of work already under way on planning. I welcome that. There will be over 250 meetings in Ireland over a short period of time. It is going to be intense, as we saw before, in 2013. It is an opportunity for the country as we take a leadership role in steering the EU agenda for that period of time and dealing with some of the challenges that confront us collectively across the EU bloc. The Minister mentioned stakeholders. At the climate committee yesterday, the question was raised as to how members of the committee could in some way help shape the agenda of those six months from a climate, energy and environmental perspective. The current US Administration has unfortunately turned its face against renewable energy but, in the long term, the European Union could take a leadership position in an area like that. How could an Oireachtas committee or other groups feed into that agenda?
There is still significant time to be able to shape that agenda because we will not have our final policies set out until June. We have six months to make sure that we are clear as to what we want on the agenda and that we are following on from items that are currently being discussed. There have been in-person meetings to date. For example, the Tánaiste had a large meeting with IBEC where there were representatives from climate and sustainability organisations and individual Ministers. The Minister for climate is having meetings and discussions. I have no doubt that each individual committee will be able either to make a submission or have a face-to-face engagement with the relevant Ministers to make sure that, as we develop our policy priorities, the elected representatives in this House have their voices heard clearly on the agenda. Again, I encourage those who perhaps are not in this House to make sure their voices are heard through the online submission process. I will make sure that in my work in my Department - we are co-ordinating all of this - as many opportunities as possible are made available to everyone to be able to shape the overall agenda, including when it comes to climate and sustainability.
We would appreciate that opportunity from the committee's perspective. I will pass that onto the committee. To come back to the matter of the United States, the US is a long-term ally of Europe and Ireland. Irrespective of what Administration is in place in the United States and the coming and goings of individual Administrations, that relationship is important for Ireland and Europe in the long term. When it comes to formulation, engagement and leadership in the coming period, I ask that Ireland try to take a leadership role in making sure that relationship with the US are maintained and strengthened, so that we continue it long term into the future and the partnership between the US and Europe flourishes once again. The current Administration has changed certain priorities. That is fair enough; it is democratically elected. However, in the long-term that relationship needs to endure. What are the Minister's views on that?
I assure the Deputy and others that we will always work hard to maintain, enhance and grow what is a strong and important relationship to us, namely, the Irish-US relationship. We see in that an opportunity to strengthen and grow the EU-US relationship as well. Only this week, at the European Foreign Affairs Trade Council, we had a visit from Ambassador Greer and Secretary Lutnick and there were warm discussions and engagement, despite the fact that we have had a challenging number of months in our trade and in the overall position we find ourselves in now. What is clear from that engagement is that the relationship between the US and EU is a lasting relationship and one of the most important relationships. Within that, we see our relationship with the US as being a vital support to that and vital for us, not just in economic terms but in cultural terms and in so many other ways as well. Whether it is through the US trade council or our engagement on climate, cultural affairs or other areas, we will ensure that, through the Presidency and at every other stage, we are prioritising and working on that relationship, irrespective of who is in the US Administration.
