International Developments: Statements

Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Helen McEntee)

I welcome this opportunity to provide Members with an update on recent developments in international relations at what is an extremely important time. We face an unprecedented and unpredictable geopolitical context. The rules-based order on which our security and our prosperity, and that of our EU partners, depends is increasingly under challenge. Russia's brutal war in Ukraine, in particular, continues to transform the security environment in Europe. The key values and principles that underpin our foreign policy will continue to drive our response across these challenges: our emphasis on dialogue and engagement with partners, first and foremost; the peaceful resolution of conflicts; and our continued support for multilateralism and the application of international law, among others. We must also work to uphold our own interests in this changing geopolitical context to protect our citizens and our economy and to work with partners to ensure our security. Our EU membership in this regard remains critical.

Since becoming Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, I have engaged extensively with EU and like-minded partners on a wide range of issues. On Monday just this week, I spoke to High Representative Kaja Kallas and a number of EU colleagues about developments in relation to Greenland, the Middle East and Ukraine. Last week, I travelled to Egypt and Jordan to advance our relations with these key partners and to discuss the ongoing and dire situation in the Middle East, in particular in Gaza. Earlier this month, I took part in a meeting of the coalition of the willing in Paris to discuss efforts to secure a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Preparations for Ireland's Presidency in the second half of this year are well under way. The Presidency will take place in this challenging geopolitical context. I will work closely with my colleagues, the Ministers of State, Thomas Byrne and Neale Richmond, on all these issues.

I will start by addressing the situation with regard to Greenland, which I know is of interest and concern to many in this House and is very much a topic of conversation today again. Ireland is a strong advocate for close transatlantic relations, and we have welcomed the increased engagement between Brussels and Washington in recent months, particularly on trade, the Middle East and Ukraine. This engagement is fundamentally challenged, however, by recent US actions and statements regarding Greenland and tariff threats against a number of EU member states, the UK and Norway, which are akin to a threat of tariffs against all of us. Our position is clear: the future of Greenland is a matter to be determined by Denmark and by the Greenlandic people in line with well-established democratic principles and international law.

We have also been clear, along with our EU partners, in communicating our commitment to the international legal order. I communicated that to my Danish colleague this morning. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states is a fundamental principle of the United Nations Charter. We continue to advocate for the resolution of international disputes through dialogue. The EU and US joint statement that was issued in August last year provided a degree of much-needed certainty and confirmed a single 15% US tariff on EU goods.

Any decision to impose an additional tariff only serves to undermine transatlantic relations and would be utterly incompatible with the EU-US trade agreement that was reached last year.

We are co-ordinating closely with our EU and wider European partners in response to this overall announcement. I reiterated my position in my call with Kaja Kallas on Monday. Yesterday, I updated the Government on the situation. Tomorrow, the Taoiseach will attend an extraordinary European Council, where these issues will be discussed. We have been clear that the only way forward is through dialogue and engagement, in keeping with the long-standing tradition of transatlantic co-operation. We will work to maintain that co-operation during our EU Presidency this year, where it is appropriate and valuable to do so. In the meantime, Ireland will continue to co-ordinate closely with EU partners and consider all potential courses of action for the transatlantic relationship, guided by what will best serve Irish and European citizens.

After almost four years of brutal Russian aggression, Ireland remains unequivocal in our solidarity and support for Ukraine. The recent visit to Ireland by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy brought into focus what the stakes were, not just for Ukraine, but for Ireland and Europe as a whole. Addressing the Houses of the Oireachtas, he delivered a message of courage and hope, stating that Ukraine was closer to peace than ever before, but warned that grasping it would require the enduring unity of all its allies. Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities and energy infrastructure continue to increase in severity and scale, killing civilians and depriving millions of Ukrainians of electricity, heating and water in the depths of winter. There are quite literally thousands of people dying every month. The bombardment of civilian infrastructure, including the reported use of the Oreshnik hypersonic missile, is beyond concerning. The deliberate targeting of civilians is clearly a war crime. These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. In response, we must keep up pressure on Russia. Ireland fully supports sanctions on Russia. We support the Commission, which is working on proposals for the 20th package, which we expect will focus further on the energy sector and the shadow fleet.

We must also step up our support for Ukraine to put it in the strongest possible position in peace negotiations. This was a key focus of the December European Council, where a €90 billion loan for Ukraine for 2026 and 2027 was agreed. It will be based on EU borrowing on the capital markets backed by the EU budget headroom. Ireland welcomes this decision, which ensures Ukraine has the finance it needs over the coming two years. We know that the longer this goes on, the more it will need. Ireland and its EU partners continue to provide Ukraine with the support necessary to exercise its right to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter. We continue to support the use of the European peace facility, EPF, to provide military support for Ukraine. In Ireland’s case, this support is non-lethal in nature. Regrettably, Hungary continues to block use of the EPF for this purpose. Last year, the Government provided €200 million in bilateral, non-lethal military support for Ukraine. The bulk of this has been provided through procurement partnerships with Denmark and Lithuania. This is to provide elements of air defence purchased from Ukraine’s defence industries. This support will help Ukraine to defend its towns, cities and energy infrastructure from Russia’s brutal air and drone attacks. Last month, the Government announced a contribution of €25 million in energy support.

We will continue our support for Ukraine's pathway to membership of the EU. I welcome the ongoing efforts of the United States and others to achieve a just and lasting peace that respects Ukraine's sovereignty and independence. We welcome progress made at meetings between the US and Ukraine to date. We welcome the progress that was made at the coalition of the willing, but we need to do more. Ireland will continue to support these efforts as part of the EU and through our membership of the coalition of the willing. The Paris declaration that was published after the meeting is a strong signal of support for Ukraine. It recognises that a lasting peace agreement will require robust security guarantees for Ukraine. This is not just vital for Ukraine. It is vital for European and Irish security. Ultimately, there is only one party that can end this war immediately, and that is Russia. As colleagues have, I call on Russia to end this brutal war and these brutal attacks, to agree to a ceasefire, and to engage meaningfully in talks with the US and Ukraine.

I returned from a visit to the Middle East last week, where Gaza was a central focus. This was my first bilateral visit outside of Europe as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade. There were several strands to this visit, the first of which was to strengthen bilateral relations with two key partners, Egypt and Jordan, which are incredibly strong relations. The second was to discuss efforts to progress implementation of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, and to assess the situation regarding provision of humanitarian aid to Gaza. I have welcomed the announcement of the beginning of the second phase of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict. We welcome the US role and contribution, alongside Egypt, Qatar and Türkiye, as mediators for the Gaza peace plan. I have consistently called on all parties to implement fully their commitments and for the international community to support these efforts.

There has been much commentary on the recent US board of peace. The scope of the US proposal would appear to be wider than the Gaza peace plan. We attach the highest importance to the primacy of the UN Charter and the central role of the United Nations as the universal body charged with the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with international law. We have received an invitation to join the board of peace, which we will consider in close co-ordination with our partners. More broadly, it is important that work continue to build on the progress that has been made so far on the next phase of the Gaza peace plan. It is important that the board focus on what it was due to be established for, which is making sure that the next stage of the peace plan can be brought into effect. It is clear that the first stage is extremely fragile. More than 400 innocent civilians have been killed since the ceasefire and it is clear that not nearly enough humanitarian aid is getting to those who need it most.

The humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is extremely concerning. The people of Gaza do not have enough to eat, adequate shelter from winter weather, or sufficient access to medicines, healthcare and sanitation. Acute food insecurity is expected to persist for 77% of the population, which is 1.6 million people. During my visit to Rafah last week, I witnessed the range of humanitarian items prohibited by Israel from entering Gaza. It is completely unacceptable that rules would change daily and that life-saving equipment and humanitarian aid is not being let in. On that basis, prior to my visit, I wrote to Kaja Kallas, together with five of my colleagues, calling for renewed focus on the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza, because a lot more needs to be done. I will continue to call for action at EU level to ease the immense suffering of Palestinians in Gaza. We need to see safe, rapid and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid at scale. Israel must immediately remove restrictions and facilitate essential supplies and services to reach people across the Gaza Strip. This will be one of my key messages at next week's Foreign Affairs Council.

During my visit, I was pleased to announce €42 million in assistance to the people of Palestine in 2026, including €20 million to support the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA. I take the opportunity to acknowledge, commend and thank the unbelievable men and women who work for so many of the aid organisations and UNRWA, including the many Irish people I met when I was there. They are working in unimaginably difficult circumstances at a time when a significant proportion of the world has supported the work they do, but they are receiving much more push-back and much less funding. That is why our funding is so essential. This will bring Ireland's support to UNRWA to €78 million since January 2023. In Jordan, I visited an UNRWA camp and witnessed the vital services it was providing. UNRWA must be central to any effort to respond to the urgent needs of the Palestinian people.

Ireland is an active member of the global alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution, which remains our focus and priority for the future of the region. I look forward to hosting a meeting of the alliance next week in Dublin, where we will share elements of our own experience of a successful peace process in Northern Ireland, which came together after many years and which we are still working on. I believe our experience and knowledge in what we have gone through is something that we could provide in support of the next stages in the Middle East.

The Government is deeply concerned about developments in Iran. I am utterly appalled to read, as we have all seen, the emerging reports of the killing of large numbers of civilians. We do not have an actual number of how many people have been killed. Families trying to retrieve the bodies of their loved ones have been subject to further repression and intimidation. I utterly condemn the brutal use of violence by the Iranian authorities against its own population. The killing of civilians is deeply shocking. At my request, senior officials of my Department conveyed our concerns directly to the Iranian ambassador-designate on 12 January. The EU has also condemned these events and is working on further sanctions on those responsible. It seems that protests have significantly lessened, but that underlying issues have not been addressed by the authorities. Iran continues to block communication networks, including the Internet and international phone lines. I know many Iranians in Ireland have been unable to contact their families to find out if they are safe. It is completely unacceptable for any government or regime to cut off such access. What is it hiding? Full access to communications must be restored.

In the circumstances, I have reduced diplomatic staff in Tehran, but the embassy remains open and all our staff, it is important to say, are safe. Ireland has also supported a call for an emergency special session of the UN Human Rights Council. Deputies will be aware that many other aspects of Iran’s policies are of great concern. These include the nature of Iran’s nuclear programme, Iran’s support for militant groups and destabilisation around the Middle East, and Iran’s supply of weapons to Russia for its war of aggression on Ukraine. I want to assure those living here, and, in particular, Iranian citizens, that we will do everything we can to hold Iran accountable for its acts of repression and violence and to support the Iranian people at this time.

Recent months have seen other significant developments in the Middle East demanding our attention and engagement. Lebanon continues its efforts to rebuild from the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel while also managing challenging political and economic reform needs. Even if the conflict were to end tomorrow, Lebanon faces massive physical reconstruction needs, estimated at $11 billion, while continuing to support the largest population of refugees per capita in the world. We have entered the final year of the UNIFIL mandate in Lebanon. We are all extremely proud of the contribution our peacekeepers have made and will continue to make in fulfilling their duties. Ireland remains committed to the future of Lebanon and we believe that it must be allowed the space to recover from past conflicts.

Just over a year on from the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, it is clear that the new transitional government has many challenges to overcome. While huge strides and progress have been made, there are many challenges to overcome. Most recently, Syria witnessed another outbreak of localised violence in Aleppo, where government-aligned forces clashed with Kurdish fighters. While a ceasefire has since been agreed, it reminds us of the importance of supporting the new transitional government’s work towards creating unity and common systems that reflect a Syria that all Syrians can be a part of. The people of Yemen must also be free to safely choose their political future without negative external influence. Ireland has always stood for a political pathway to peace across the Middle East. It is clear that developments in the region will continue to command my attention and that of the Government, and this House, as we continue to witness the dynamics and the needs of change. I will continue to engage with my colleagues I met last week, understanding the huge, challenging and difficult environment they are in with so many conflicts and ongoing situations happening around them.

The situation in Venezuela remains delicate and uncertain. The principles of international law and the UN Charter must be fully respected and upheld in all circumstances. Ireland, together with our EU partners, has been clear in this regard. We have also made clear that Nicolás Maduro lacked any democratic legitimacy. Ireland has long advocated for a peaceful and negotiated transition to democracy in Venezuela. Respecting the will, in particular, of the Venezuelan people remains the only way for a restoration of democracy. We welcome news of the release of several political prisoners over the past few days. We continue to call for the unconditional release of all political prisoners and for the full respect of human rights and international law by all actors. Ireland will continue to provide humanitarian support to the people of Venezuela and to Venezuelan refugees through the Venezuela Humanitarian Fund and the UNHCR regional migrant and refugee plan for Venezuela. Together with our international partners, Ireland remains committed to supporting all efforts to facilitate a democratic, peaceful and inclusive solution to the crisis, led by Venezuelans.

Ireland’s foreign policy choices have been guided by our commitment always to multilateralism and the international legal order. This has been the case for the past seven decades, since Ireland joined the UN in 1955. It will remain the case, irrespective of the challenges we face, and we know there are many. Peace and security depend on all UN member states abiding by the fundamental principles of the UN Charter. We have seen the consequences when states do not do so. What is very clear is that all member states, large and small, must abide by the fundamental principles. The UN has a unique mandate to maintain international peace and security, and the legitimacy to bring nations together to find common solutions to shared challenges. While it may be imperfect, the UN and the primacy of international law is more important now than ever. Ireland’s commitment to the United Nations and the primacy of the UN Charter is without question.

As I have outlined, we are facing into a range of significant foreign policy challenges in 2026. In fact, I think this month, in particular, has seen more challenges than we might see in any other given year. These challenges will have implications for Ireland, the EU, and our global partners. We will need to find innovative and effective solutions to the challenges we face, while being firm in ensuring we uphold our values and uphold our interests at international level. Working alongside our EU and like-minded partners will be essential, including during Ireland’s Presidency of the EU in the second half of this year. Of course, I welcome the opportunity to engage with all colleagues on these issues and many others today, but also over the coming year as we face them together. I thank the House.

Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire

I welcome the opportunity to speak about this issue. I am sure we are sitting here and an interesting or noteworthy speech - I am not sure which it is being called - is happening as we speak but I am unlikely to be the last person to reference Mark Carney's speech at Davos yesterday. It certainly caught the attention and perhaps a certain spirit of the time. Time will tell whether his perspective and strategy will be vindicated. There was much that sounded familiar to me. Much of the speech underlined points that Sinn Féin, among others, has been making for a long time, including the admission that, in truth, international law was more honoured in the breach than in the rule. He stated:

We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false. That the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient. That trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.

That rings very true to me. That is precisely what we talk about when we talk about the impunity with which Israel has prosecuted genocide against Palestine or the manner in which the US has trampled over international law in recent months. The phrase, "Saying the quiet bit out loud", comes to mind. It was also a very interesting contribution on the economic future of countries, whether middle powers or smaller countries such as ours, in a world dominated by two or three major powers, depending on how you see it. Mr. Carney further stated:

... recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons. Tariffs as leverage. Financial infrastructure as coercion. Supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.

He spoke about his approach, and, to state the obvious, Ireland is not Canada. The same strategies and perspective do not apply. It is, though, a clear-eyed assessment of the world in which we now live, and we must acknowledge it may not be an aberration. This may not be a pause and we may not return to the phase that existed before. President Trump threatens tariffs on European countries. He is currently in Davos. He is rhetorically tilting at windmills, a bit more like Don Quixote than Donald Trump. I have to say that, before I came into the Chamber, some of the language and rhetoric being used was remarkable and appears to resemble very little of reality. It has to be clear that bully-boy tactics can never be accepted from the United States or any international actors. They cannot be normalised. Threats to impose tariffs against European countries that would thwart his acquisition, and it is very much driven by him and his personal obsession, are scandalous.

Trade wars are bad for all, and, of course, if de-escalation is possible, we should grasp the opportunity. It is important to say that this could and should never become appeasement because clearly that will not work. Sovereignty has to be a red line. If the US is successful in these attempts, it will be a further and enormous blow to the concept of sovereignty, already very much undermined by recent actions, not to mention international law. European countries should be prepared to respond with resolve.

To be clear, the future of Greenland and its sovereignty must only be decided through the fulfilment of national self-determination by its people. This is a crucial test of respect for sovereignty. If it is conceded here, then it will become all the weaker elsewhere. Whatever transpires, it does seem that tariffs and trade wars may very much be back on the agenda. I have said it previously, and it underlines all the further something Sinn Féin has been saying for many years, that there is no question but that Ireland is disproportionately vulnerable in the context of an escalating trade war between the United States and the European Union. The fact is that the industrial policy of recent, successive Governments and our failure to develop a strong enough indigenous sector to complement our strong foreign direct investment sector, as well as diversifying in terms of markets and exports, has left us uniquely vulnerable. This has not been helped by reliance on taxation incentives and various taxation loopholes that have in the past allowed some commentators to portray us a tax haven.

Successive Governments have failed to build the infrastructure we need to attract and hold on to foreign direct investment without relying on tax incentives. It is evident that the position of the US Government is liable to change at various times and threats may or may not come to pass. Clearly, Europe should not give in to bully-boy tactics. It is high time that Ireland consider more broadly its place in the world's economy. It must find its insurance and mitigate risk.

A number of things are required from the Irish Government. The Government must begin a plan for diversifying in terms of markets we trade with, with a view to future trade missions. The United States, Britain and Europe will always be crucial trading partners for reasons of language, culture and long ad deep relationships but there is a potential to deepen trade with other countries in southeast Asia, emerging markets and other countries that have faced challenges in terms of tariffs such as Canada and Mexico. The Government must prepare and immediately begin preparation for supports for our businesses in the event of tariffs coming into place, whether this resembles some of the supports that took place for Brexit or building on the learnings of it. It needs to be developed. We need to make sure it is easily accessible and widely promoted. This needs to involve education, training support, marketing support and, potentially, grant aid. The development of this programme needs to begin now so that it is ready to roll out in the event that it is required.

The Government also needs to prioritise investment in our infrastructure. The reality is that one of the reasons we are so vulnerable is because of the huge gaps in our infrastructure. Our housing system is in crisis. We do not have a motorway between the second and third largest cities in the State. Public transport is inadequate and our electric grid is so inadequate that we are losing potential investment. Trade wars are bad for everyone but nothing can be taken for granted. In my view, successive Governments have left us uniquely vulnerable.

There is an Administration in the United States that has totally departed from the norms of international politics and shaken up its relationships with its allies. I want to again make the point that we extend our solidarity with the people of Ukraine who have stood courageously against a brutal Russian onslaught and criminal invasion by Vladimir Putin. It must be the case that any negotiations regarding the future of Ukraine should have Ukraine at the table. That is the only way that we will see a meaningful, successful and viable peaceful settlement for the people of Ukraine and for humanity.

I was really surprised and extremely disappointed that the Minister had 20 minutes to speak but did not use all of it and that not once was the situation in Sudan mentioned. It is the largest humanitarian situation in the world. A total of 33 million people may potentially be in a situation facing deprivation and hunger. There was potentially one of the largest slaughters we have seen in this century in El Fasher. Some estimates are suggesting that maybe as many as 100,000 were killed. It is certainly in the tens of thousands. This is a kind of scale of killing that we have not seen in many years in such a short period. There are 4 million Sudanese refugees in Chad and South Sudan. It is a conflict that has been going on for many years but certainly in this period for the past three years.

I am concerned that a bit like other conflicts, Europe and, to some extent, Ireland are not speaking out forcefully enough. They do have leverage. One of the key actors in this is the United Arab Emirates, which is facilitating a flow of large-scale and sophisticated weaponry. Because of the close relations that Ireland and the European Union have with the United Arab Emirates, it is not being called out. This Government will hold the EU Presidency in the next six months. It needs to take every opportunity. In my view, this conflict is going to continue to escalate until the United States and the European Union make it enough of a priority. Both parties to the conflict believe they can win. I know that Ireland, in relative terms, is a small country but this is an appalling scale of slaughter, a humanitarian situation of displacement that needs to be addressed. The Government and Ireland need to take every opportunity it can.

A recent piece in The New York Times by Nicholas Kristof stated that Nathanial Raymond's estimation that the number of people killed in six weeks of fighting, amounted to "a pace of killing [that] would be unrivaled since the Rwanda genocide of 1994", adding that "death toll in El Fasher in less than two months may be comparable to that in Gaza [in] two years".

In the time I have left, I acknowledge the situation in Palestine. The killings and attacks by settlers on people in the West Bank continues apace. Again, it comes back to international law. If international law is going to be applied selectively, people such as the Palestinians too often are forgotten. I raise the proposed peace plan. The Minister has acknowledged it. To say it is a flawed peace plan is to say the least but even what the US has been talking about goes far beyond that. The space for self-determination for the Palestinian people is narrowing. Ireland needs to take the actions that it can and use what leverage it has, including the occupied territories Bill, to increase pressure. The fundamental basis of that legislation is about respect for international law.

I condemn the violence and repression we have seen against protestors in Iran. The reports of thousands of deaths during these protests are absolutely shocking. We express our condemnation of violence, whether against protestors or others, and call on the Iranian Government to respect the rights of protestors to demonstrate for their fundamental rights.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Before I call Deputy Crowe, I welcome all those in the Public Gallery. I am sure they are interested in the debate. Some are here at the invitation of the Minister of State, Deputy Troy. There is a group that represents Down's syndrome families in Kilkenny. It includes Ciara Hayes, Danny Roche, John Barry, Mary Barry and Sean Manicle, and the two leaders of that group who are central to it, Cormac and Holly. They are all very welcome. I thank them for coming along. I hope they enjoy their time in Leinster House.

Deputy Seán Crowe

International developments is such a vague concept that it is hard to know where to start. The world is becoming increasingly chaotic and divided, with American strikes in Nigeria; the UAE arming both sides in Sudan; the shambolic ceasefire in Gaza that means that Palestinians are still dying; the ongoing conflict between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo that has displaced over a hundred thousand people into Burundi in just the past few weeks; and the ongoing war in Ukraine that grinds on. Reassuringly for Palestinians, we heard that Benjamin Netanyahu, who is responsible for the ongoing genocide in Gaza, is to join Trump's board of peace.

The current US Administration sees Europe as a punching bag and as a people that can be bullied and threatened. This is endorsed by some member states with High Representative Kallas’s comments somehow blaming others for the very real threats by the US on European sovereignty. Her comments on China are of particular interest given that the Taoiseach is only back from a trade mission to the country. It is a stark reminder that in an increasingly federalised Europe, Ireland’s views would be represented less and less and our ability to advocate for peace and conflict resolution would be greatly diminished. Ireland has so much to contribute on the world stage and that would be lessened if our course was determined solely by those in Europe like von der Leyen and Kallas who have done nothing to rein in Israel or the increasingly erratic USA.

Our over-reliance on American foreign direct investment places us on very shaky ground. Pulled on either side, east and west, the foundation of our economy is built on sand that shakes when Trump comes up with his latest schemes. We cannot derisk our economy any time soon but we must recognise that the rules based order that has existed since the end of the Cold War, and in many ways since the end of the Second World War, have been thrown out by the Americans. Greenland is only the thin end of the wedge. The US ambassador to Iceland has joked publicly that Iceland would be next after Greenland. For an ambassador to even say such things in private would have been unthinkable before Trump was President.

Appeasement has never been a successful policy. At best, it only buys you time. We appease and try to please and do not seem to grasp that we are living in a new age of imperialism. We need to finally accept that the rules by which we think the world is run are increasingly disregarded. Might makes it right, and the strongest can annex and vassalise whomever they wish.

Whether from east or west, international co-operation is at an all-time low. Multilateralism is becoming an endangered species. This is happening at a crucial time in the fight against climate change and for conflict resolution. Countries that try to stand in the way of war and genocide are excluded and even punished. They are often branded as terrorist sympathisers. Rather than looking to the future and how we divest from oil, conflicts are becoming increasingly bitter about the last of the great oil reserves. Look at Venezuela where Trump’s intervention was seemingly based entirely on the principle of seizing the country’s oil, only for the oil companies to embarrass him by deeming the venture not profitable enough.

The struggle for resources is only going to get worse and worse. Wars will be fought over them with increasingly regularity as they run out. We must ramp up our renewable energy programmes in Ireland. Renewable energy is energy security with solar and wind to replace oil and gas. Backed up by the Celtic interconnector, we can break free of a reliance on dwindling fuel supplies that come from the most exploited parts of the planet. We must also avoid putting money into the hands of oppressors such as Russia, the UAE and the US. All are bad actors and increasingly all fund their imperialist exploits through oil and gas.

Deputy Duncan Smith

To pick up on what Deputy Crowe said, even naming these statements seemed quite difficult. Statements on international development does not quite do it justice. Statements on international conflict would probably be closer to the mark. What or who has motivated these statements today? We know the answer. It is the change in the world that has been brought predominantly and almost exclusively by Donald Trump and his administration. If it was not clear before, it is certainly clear now and will continue to be made clear as a rambling speech is being made in Switzerland as we speak, that the United States is no longer a trusted ally of the European Union. The way in which the current administration is acting in the United States is increasingly imperialistic, autocratic, and indeed, fascist. These are big words, strong words and words we do not use lightly but they are backed up with what we are seeing with our own eyes on the streets of the United States and in countries around the world.

Perhaps, we would do well to heed the words of Prime Minister Carney when he said yesterday that we are "in the midst of a rupture, not a transition". While this is regrettable in a way, he said that it leaves the world in a more precarious place than ever and that there is a chance to build something better from the ashes of a partnership with an economic bully that is being led by a tyrant. Prime Minister Carney maybe captured a moment. An awful lot of people outside of politics have listened to what he said and have been taken by it, including the question of move of the middle powers and what the middle powers need to do. They are big questions. Canada is going to lean into trade agreements like Mercosur and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA. These are trade agreements that have been hugely problematic and in the case of Mercosur have been opposed in this country. He is also leaning into security and investment in security. Canada is the only non-EU country to have partnered up on the SAFE defence spending initiative. It is a €150 billion partnership. Again, as the world is changing rapidly and rupturing rapidly, these are huge questions that smaller nations, whatever about middle nations, are going to have to grapple with. Europe's historic partnership with the US was always built on shared values of democracy and human rights and respect for international law in the system of the United Nations. Those values are no longer shared with the United States. The new US national security strategy breaks with decades of American-led multilateralism. What it is doing in relation to Greenland, Venezuela, Gaza with this abhorrent "board of peace", which Ireland should have nothing whatsoever to do with, and Ukraine. It is viewing all of these as opportunities for profit or natural resource extraction rather than opportunities to sow peace and to deliver true security for individuals and communities. It is an indictment of the rot that has set in in Washington.

We cannot be complacent to think that Donald Trump and his administration are an aberration. This movement could continue beyond Trump. We need to plan for that, which is why the Labour Party and I have been saying over the past number of weeks that we need to plan for a hard divorce. We need to look at the anti-coercion instrument within the European Union. We need to stand up to Trump and the United States. It means no longer allowing ourselves to be vassals to Trump or the US. It means nurturing innovation at home. If we look at the announcement of EU Inc, a title I am not entirely happy with, but it is calling for investment in innovation within the European Union. This is what we need. It means recognising the world that faces us with our over-reliance on American payment systems, American software and everything. Microsoft, Visa and Mastercard are all American. We need to look at our resilience. We cannot do it on our own in Ireland. We must do it with our European partners.

The age of pragmatism demands that we in Europe realign ourselves and recommit ourselves and ensure that our sovereignty as a regional grouping, including protecting our own individual sovereignty in Ireland, is something that we must strive for. Europe must again find a backbone. We oppose the Mercosur deal because it currently goes against values we hold dear in relation to workers' rights and climate. The CETA deal needs to remove the investor courts. Canada has removed them from its agreement with the United States and Mexico. There is no reason Canada demands and Europe is allowing the investor courts to remain in the CETA agreement. If it wants movement on that, remove the investor courts.

Our economy is uniquely open to turmoil. A trade war will damage all and will likely damage Ireland more than others as we have an over-reliance on American foreign direct investment. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has been calling for a number of years to instil more resilience and diversification into our economy and move away from our reliance on American FDI. That is not easy and will not be quick. Going back to Prime Minister Carney's speech, this is something that other states and other power blocs and regional blocs are doing. Ireland must do the same.

Trump and his allies have made it abundantly clear that any nation's sovereignty is up for debate and will be disrespected if Trump views it in his interest. For example, what are we going to do if Trump looks at the long runway of Shannon Airport and says, "I need that not just to refuel US troops, but I need it for more strategic purposes?" What will Ireland do in that scenario? That is not a fantastical one. A couple of months ago, we could not seriously contemplate what is happening in Greenland. In the past half an hour, Trump has said that he will not use force, but again he caveated that in the midst of his rambling speech. God knows what he said in the past ten minutes.

Europe need to look seriously at the anti-coercion instrument. The instrument, which would allow the EU to take measures, such as import and export restrictions on goods and services in the Single Market and to limit the access of American companies to public procurement contracts in Europe, should only ever be used as a last resort. The reason it should only ever be used as a last resort is this is not an instrument that is without consequence. If this is used, it will hurt people. It will hurt individuals and workers in Europe, America and elsewhere. However, it is an instrument that unfortunately needs to be considered at this time. This so-called trade bazooka is again language that we do not want to be used. It has been framed, and can and will deliver a clear message to those who are taking Europe on and show that Europe is not meek.

It was one thing when Trump was elected president in 2016. We all could pretend that this was an aberration and that he said more than he did. We can no longer believe that is the case. Unfortunately, in the year and a day that Trump has been president, he has done more than he has said. The lies that spew from his mouth and the reckless actions that actually increase conflict and spread war rather than spreading peace as he so arrogantly and egotistically states have ruptured the world order.

In a number of weeks, this Government may be asked to America to celebrate St. Patrick’s Day. This invitation, if it comes, will be a dangerous and volatile ask. The decision can no longer be about extending the hand of friendship through a bowl of shamrock. Instead, if the Government chooses to accept it, it should be about delivering a message. We must work with our European allies. If we are in the midst of a trade war, it might be an opportunity to engage and de-escalate.

Of course we may be in a position in which to boycott that meeting is the right course of action. All options should be on the table. We are not in normal times but we need to be strong in whatever action we choose to take. Last year seemed like a structural insult imposed upon Ireland by Trump and his Administration and we cannot allow that to happen again. If the United States does indeed move towards Greenland we in this Chamber, and Ireland as a whole, need to decide what part we will play in responding to the consequences of this decision. There are an awful lot of complexities in international conflict at present and we cannot be reductive or simplistic about it. It is not just about whether the Taoiseach will go to the White House. There are more complicated questions and ever more complicated answers, and we need to ensure we do what is best for Ireland and Europe.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

With the permission of the House I will call on the Social Democrats and Deputy Sinéad Gibney, and come back to the other speakers who are listed.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

I do not understand.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Some of the speakers are not available yet.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

If they are not here, we should move on.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

We will give them an opportunity. We are ahead of time.

Deputy Sinéad Gibney

I will spend my time speaking about international law and global order, which has been the focus of some of the Minister's comments. Increasingly the talk we hear from leaders in our Government and from other European leaders is about the global order and the rules-based order. I am so frustrated with people essentially speaking out of both sides of their mouths. We cannot speak about global order without recognising that we are the global order. It does not just sit over there. It is us. We live and breathe it. We are the member states of the European Union and the nation states of our globe that make this order happen and maintain it through our actions. We need to wake up and realise the global order exists only when we enforce the standards of international law mar is é sin bunchloch na Náisiún Aontaithe, bunchloch an oird dhomhanda agus bunchloch na síochána.

I would say this also relates, for example, to how we sign UN treaties. When we sign them they mean more than just pretty paperwork. They are what we sign up to and what we want to support and see maintained across our globe. All nations are responsible for international law and global order. International law exists because under the banner of the United Nations we have made it exist and it is crumbling because we have abandoned the universal standards of international law in Palestine, America and elsewhere because it was inconvenient, essentially.

We are right back where we were 12 months ago with Trump and the threat of tariffs. At the time we warned about bullies and insulating the Irish economy and about Trump only respecting strength. We were warned about these things and we have seen and we saw a capitulating trade deal from the EU and months of humiliation of our leaders and diplomats, including on St. Patrick's Day when in the Oval Office in the White House our Taoiseach failed to call out the President of the United States when he said the European Union had been founded to attack the US. Our Taoiseach said nothing at that point. This is where we are ten months later because we are not upholding global law and we are not respecting international law. It seems we will simply bend over backwards to please him.

I want to touch on some of the international developments that have been spoken about today, starting with Ukraine. I want to speak not only about the impact on civilians and Ukrainians here in Ireland. I welcome and commend the Government and the State for the incredible work being done. We also need to look at the humanitarian issues that people are facing within Ukraine. Humanitarian aid needs to increase to assist with this and make better the lives of the people who are living this war.

In terms of Greenland I absolutely welcome that the EU is rallying around but it is another example of where international law seems to be applied when it is convenient. Where was the same outcry with Venezuela or Gaza and Trump's actions there, and the actions of despots across the globe who are breaking this law and flouting it consistently?

In Palestine we have this so-called ceasefire under which people continue to die, the promises of aid that have not happened, the continued killings, the apartheid, the annexation of the West Bank, the banning of groups such as Doctors Without Borders and the destroying of UNRWA resources while we all look away. We speak about an age of impunity as if this impunity just happened one day. We created it by deciding the rules do not apply to our allies, our trade partners and our fellow Western countries. I know many others have referenced Mark Carney's remarks today and they are incredibly prescient.

Here is what I think we need to do. I have a few suggestions that I think the Government needs to consider in international developments. I was so disappointed and gutted to see Ireland become a signatory to the letter recently asking for rollbacks on the ECHR. We have just criticised the UK for doing exactly this. We know how crucial the ECHR is to our Good Friday Agreement and to peace on this island yet we chose under the banner of migration, on which the Government is absolutely hell bent on being strong, to undermine the ECHR and join a group of European nations in doing so when others did not. Only 26 out of 46 are signatories to it did so. This is something I really want to see the Government move back on and stop attacking the ECHR under any banner.

Do not abandon the triple lock. Do not push through the defence (amendment) Bill. Right now the triple lock is our connection to multilateralism, global order and the UN. I fully appreciate that the UN has issues and the UN Security Council has issues but the triple lock could be satisfied by the General Assembly and no effort has been made to do this. We must maintain this global order because us walking away and removing the triple lock is sending a very clear signal, not only to the UN but to all of the states across the globe, including small states that look to us for leadership and look to us for our leveraging in the United Nations and within the Security Council.

We need to pass the occupied territories Bill in full, including services, now. It is long past the promise that it was supposed to be. We must reposition our relationship with the Trump Administration. I am not anti-American. I appreciate that our ties with America are crucial, and that we have diaspora there and trade links there, but the Trump Administration is going about its business, particularly in relation to foreign affairs but really in domestic affairs as well, in a way that we cannot support. We have to ask the difficult questions whereby we seriously consider who our allies are going forward. This is not business as usual. I do not accept it when Government spokespeople say they make no apology for protecting jobs. They should make an apology for protecting jobs when it is to support an Administration that is proving itself to be in the kind of mindset that Trump has, whereby he decides he wants to acquire something and goes after it. Essentially his support for peace in Ukraine has nothing to do with peace but is to do with the rare earth minerals he wants to get his paws on. Taking Maduro out of Venezuela is not about the regime that he is running but the oil that Venezuela holds. In Palestine he is still hell bent on developing a dystopian riviera. These are not things that can be considered business as usual. We have to start saying that the emperor has no clothes.

Deputy Liam Quaide

I want to use my time today to express my deep respect and admiration for the peaceful protesters who took to the streets in Iran in recent weeks. They are ordinary citizens who have shown remarkable courage in standing up to tyranny, repression and extreme state violence. These are people who protested knowing the cost. They protested facing a terrifyingly high risk of imprisonment, torture and death. Yet they persisted with dignity and an unyielding demand for freedom, equality and basic human rights. Their struggle is a rejection of tyranny and of a system of entrenched patriarchal oppression that has for decades denied women autonomy over their bodies or access to basic freedoms, and has persecuted and murdered people from the LGBT community just for who they are.

The response of the Iranian regime to peaceful dissent has been a savage campaign of state terror and a bloodbath designed to quell any further appetite for protest. Demonstrations have been met with arbitrary detentions, torture and mass killing. Judicial proceedings have taken place which are, essentially, a wholesale denial of due process. We also cannot forget the many people who have been abducted and detained for years in appalling nightmarish conditions by the Iranian state, including Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe and other western nationals who have been held as political hostages and used as leverage in international disputes.

Nazanin was only released in 2022 after almost six years of agonising separation from her young daughter and husband. Her detention became emblematic of a system in which human beings are treated as bargaining chips, with her freedom finally secured only after a long-standing £400 million UK-Iran debt being resolved. Other detainees have never re-emerged from the regime's squalid and brutal prison system. Their plight, without due process, transparency or contact with loved ones, lays bare the regime's profound contempt for human dignity, the rule of law and international norms.

It is also important to acknowledge the role played and the responsibility borne by international actors. The US President, Donald Trump, publicly encouraged Iranian protesters to come out onto the street, assuring them of international support. Those words carried weight. They no doubt raised expectations and they increased risk yet when the crackdown continued, that show of solidarity failed to materialise in any meaningful way and that failure amounted to reckless neglect, leaving peaceful protesters exposed to extreme violence after being urged forward without protection, backing or consequence for those responsible.

In international debates we must be crystal clear and morally consistent. We must always stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people and defend their rights under international law. They have been subjected to genocide, ethnic cleansing and ever escalating cycles of state terror by the Israeli regime. However, support by the Iranian state for Palestinian causes does not absolve it of any responsibility for its actions against its own citizens. Tyranny does not become acceptable because it cloaks itself in the language of resistance.

Deputy John McGuinness

I want to pick up on a phrase used by Deputy Gibney. It cannot be business as usual. Deputy Gibney is absolutely correct. The world is in a crisis, changing every single day with the usual norms not being acknowledged or adhered to. Countries are having to reshape or reset their policies in order to deal with the daily changes that are being brought on us, mainly by the US President, Donald Trump, and by others.

I urge the Government to respect the democracy of this Parliament and to have the debates that are being asked for so we can have an input, whether that is the triple lock or any other measure that is going to be discussed by the European Union in terms of policy. We should have our say. If we look across the European Union, we will see lots of countries protesting. People are feeling disenfranchised. The citizens of the European Union are certainly feeling that they are not heard. On lots of issues, people in Ireland feel they are not being heard. Policy in the past was shaped by democratically elected Members of Parliament. That is not happening at the moment. Policy is being changed and rammed down the throats of many countries and through parliaments. Some of the changes we do not even know about because we do not get a chance to debate them here.

If we are going to have meaningful change, I suggest Ireland needs to play a significant, central role in Europe in shaping policy around the proper language in dealing with all of the issues and, indeed, in informing the policy about the positions that the citizens of Europe want to take relative to their lives and their future. Peace is what Europe should be about. That is the emphasis we need to go back to as a country. I encourage the Minister to have those debates that are necessary and that we shape our policy on those grounds.

Deputy Barry Ward

This is a very wide topic for debate. It covers a multitude. I have listened to what other speakers have said.

First, I will address Ireland's role in the European Union. I have always seen the European Union as a body which was all about the rule of law, respecting the rule of law and ensuring that the rule of law is the means by which we do business. That is hugely important. I have said publicly before that I am actually very disappointed with the manner in which the European Union leadership has approached the rule of law internationally. I can start with Gaza and the attitude of some in the Commission. What happened with Hamas over three years ago was appalling but it does not justify what has happened. However, there has been a very weak response from Europe collectively, although I recognise what our Government has done, how strong a voice our Government has been and how we built a coalition to support that position. The reality is that as a collective Europe has not really delivered in relation to that.

One could make similar comments around Venezuela. There has been an incredibly weak response from European leaders in respect of what Donald Trump did in Venezuela. It was an illegal invasion of another country. Yes, Maduro was a tyrant and an autocrat and somebody who did not deserve to be in office but that is true of many people around the world and yet they are not taken out by another country, particularly by a so-called western member of the global community the way America is. Essentially, that went uncriticised by European governments. I hope we now take a strong line in relation to Greenland and that Europe does stand on its own two feet instead of always backing down and appeasing because it does nothing to achieve what we would all like to see achieved.

I will mention two specific instances that relate to international affairs. Iran is one. It has gotten a lot of play in the media recently because of the appalling events that have occurred there, the thousands of people who have been killed and the many thousands more who have been arrested by their Government for simply disagreeing with the Government. It may have been precipitated by economic difficulties and a collapse in the value of the rial and all the other inflationary pressures that have been on those people but we know before the current regime in Iran there was actually a functional, free society. It has been gone since the 1970s. I am not saying the Shah was a great fellow either but there has been an oppressive regime there all that time. Hopefully, we see that coming to a head now but the ordinary people of Iran who are raising their voices, having their voices heard and who are being suppressed by their own government need to be recognised and assisted by Ireland in whatever way it can.

The other instance I want to raise is Sudan. The war in Sudan has been going on now since April 2023. An estimated 150,000 people have died in the context of that internal conflict which is more than the estimated number of people who have died in Gaza. I know Ireland has given aid. I have heard what the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, has said in terms of that aid to date and the continuation of that aid this year. I welcome that decision. We have a Sudanese Embassy in Dublin. I do not know how many Members of this House have interacted with the ambassador. I do not know if the Minister has had that opportunity. How are we ensuring that the aid we are putting on the ground in Sudan is actually helping the people on the ground, the people who are suffering, the ordinary civilians and particularly those outside Khartoum in the areas in the west of the country who are really at risk in the context of this civil war? How are we helping them? Equally, what are we doing in relation to the United Arab Emirates and what it is doing in assisting this conflict and fostering this conflict to continue? Are we taking steps? Are we raising it with them at diplomatic level in terms of asking them to exit it? Are we talking about this issue generally because it is a huge conflict?

As we look at conflicts around the world, it is so often the case that Sub-Saharan Africa does not garner the attention that other conflicts around the world do in the media. They do not get the attention they need from the western world and from the countries which support the rule of law and say we need to be doing more to ensure the human rights of these individuals and to ensure they have a chance to live their lives in a way that all of us in this country get to. They should too. I recognise there is a limited extent to which we can intervene in Sudan or Iran or in any of the other long list of unfair or illegal conflicts around the world but we must do what we can.

Deputy Paula Butterly

As my colleague, Deputy Barry Ward, said, this is a very wide-ranging debate but I would like to focus on international aid. In 2024, the US made $82 billion in contribution under USAID. In 2025, it was just under $20 billion. Other European countries and Great Britain also announced major cuts in their contribution which means it is estimated that only 29% of global humanitarian funding needs are being met. In a world that is changing before our eyes, how are we even going to possibly believe we will be in a position to meet the vast humanitarian needs that require increased, not decreased, funding? The Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, have said that providing aid to these countries is not just beneficial, it is not something that just soothes our souls, but it is a practical and common-sense approach as it will bear fruit in the long term as the goal is that these countries will in time be operating as sustainable and growing economies.

Insufficient humanitarian aid costs lives. If the Ceann Comhairle will permit me, I would like to drive home this point with a few numbers. The Impact Counter estimates that over 750,000 deaths have arisen as a result in cuts to USAID alone. An estimated 16,000 children are dead due to lack of HIV-AIDS funding; 160,000 children are dead as a result of pneumonia; 150,000 children are dead because of malnutrition; 52,000 children are dead as a result of malaria; and, extraordinarily, 125,000 children are dead as a result of diarrhoea.

The sad reality is that we may never know the true cost of human life as a result of these cuts, as many of the systems that once tracked deaths and diseases in developing countries have simply ceased to exist.

The Minister should think of the ramifications, not only for the people of these countries but what it could mean for us here at home. If these systems no longer exist, how can we track and trace current or future diseases? What impact could that have on us here at home in Ireland?

To return to my initial point, in these times of turmoil and uncertainty how will international aid be affected in the coming 12 months or the 12 months beyond that? While some countries may choose to turn their backs on countries like Sudan and Ukraine, others may feel paralysed to act or intimidated by bigger players. Ireland must stand strong on its humanitarian principles. We must continue to increase funding to those that have a greater need. Ireland must use its voice at all costs to call out the wrongful actions and unlawful actions of all those that perpetrate them.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

This debate is happening in parallel with the World Economic Forum - a get-together where the political elite meet with billionaires in the Swiss Alps. Far removed from the lives of ordinary people, they meet to discuss the world's problems. Billionaires solving the world's problems is like Jack the Ripper trying to solve crime.

Trump, another billionaire, spoke at Davos earlier today. Let us be clear: the US has been an aggressive international actor for decades. That is a fact. There have been covert operations, direct military intervention and support for violent regimes. The trail of destruction did not begin with Trump. The US has projected economic and military power for as long as I can remember, but now that greedy eye has turned on an EU member state and Greenland. Now Europe is at the sharp end of US economic coercion.

This needs to be a wake-up call across Europe and here at home in Ireland. The job of government is always to stand up for Ireland's interests. Our interests lie in a world where national sovereignty is respected, whether that is in the Middle East, South America or Europe. Our interest lies in a world where international law is adhered to. It is hard to have any hope for international law after we witnessed what happened in Gaza. Now the perpetrator of that genocide, Netanyahu, is being invited to join the so-called "Board of Peace". That is the warped world view we are dealing with when we are negotiating with the US. Diplomacy is always the answer, but diplomacy does not mean appeasement.

While power politics is making a return, this Government is pressing ahead with dismantling the triple lock, the core safeguard that anchors Irish neutrality, democratic oversight and United Nations authority. The triple lock is not an inconvenience; it is the clearest expression of Ireland's belief that small states rely on law, not force, and that Irish troops are deployed overseas only when democratic consent and clear UN authorisation exists. At the very moment when the UN is being sidelined, ignored or bypassed across the globe, this Government's response is not to defend it, but to weaken Ireland's reliance on it. In a world that is fundamentally changed, this is not realism. It is an outdated and dangerously complacent foreign policy mindset rooted in the belief that Ireland's safest course is silence, compliance and never saying "No" to Washington. That way of operating was never a good idea, but now it is completely untenable.

I will finish on this point, a Cheann Comhairle. Since the financial crisis we have seen and witnessed a decade of austerity - the lost decade. Now we are halfway through the squandered decade, with all the money and nothing to show for it. Our destiny is in our own hands. International turmoil should be a warning to get our house in order, not another excuse for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to hide behind.

Deputy Naoise Ó Cearúil

One hundred and seven years ago today, in 1919, this House - Dáil Éireann - sat for the very first time. It did so at a time of conflict. There was more conflict to come with a brutal Civil War. This country has moved significantly from war - the War of Independence, the Civil War and the Troubles in the North - to peace. There are lessons to be learned internationally about our own process and how we have developed as a nation, but what stands at the front of my mind every single day is that there are conflicts throughout the world - in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Yemen, Myanmar, Nigeria and what looks like more conflict starting up on what seems almost a daily basis. Sovereignty, particularly for ourselves in Ireland but also internationally, is something that is exercised and not just declared.

Our transformation - our journey from poverty to a modern state - is something that many people look upon as a good example. Notwithstanding what we have achieved in education, health and the transparency of government, as well as the long-term stability built over decades at this stage, there are still issues that we all try to address here on a daily basis. The European Union, or the EEC as it was when we joined initially, has been at the core of our development as a country. The collective decision-making of the European Union has allowed us to prosper in ways many people before us did not think we would. We moved from a primarily agricultural society to one that is far more modern. It still has large elements of agriculture, but has become a shining example of a modern democracy in a modern country.

However, the European Union has felt weak in the past decade or two when it comes to exerting its influence - "dominance" is the wrong word - throughout the world. There are positive examples, particularly in trade deals, although there have been significant issues with Mercosur, especially from an agricultural perspective, in particular for beef farmers but there are huge opportunities there as well. We need to acknowledge the opportunities of CETA, Mercosur and further trade agreements that will come down the line with countries in Oceania and Asia, and looking to Australia, New Zealand, Japan and indeed China, because there are huge opportunities there for us. We should not allow ourselves as Europeans to be dictated to or bullied by partners or indeed as Irish people. Our reliance on international co-operation should not be seen as a weak point in any way, shape or form, particularly from those we consider allies.

That leads into the political volatility in the US. We hear consistently about President Trump speaking of Greenland, and acting in Venezuela. To be honest, this is one of the most authoritarian approaches I have ever seen in my lifetime from a political leader. What gives me some heart is that if we look at the polls in the US in relation to Trump's proposal to take over Greenland by force or by a deal, as he would like to call it, we see that the vast majority of Americans are against it. It is important to recognise that while Trump is the President of the United States, he does not necessarily speak for the majority of Americans. It is clear that the vast majority of the American people are not in favour of any type of aggressive behaviour towards Greenland or indeed Denmark and its allies.

Mark Carney gave a speech at the World Economic Forum in which he spoke about prosperity being rooted in trust, institutions, and co-operation and the rejection of chaos and unilateralism. It is by working together that we have developed not only as a country, but indeed within the European Union, and internationally as well. By standing together rather than standing alone, we can increase and improve the livelihoods of Irish people and those throughout the European Union and worldwide.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

There is an absolute misunderstanding in relation to Donald Trump.

I am delighted to hear him say he wants a piece of ice for world protection, saying it as it is. Donald Trump obviously sees himself somewhat differently from how the rest of us see him. All he is missing is a Marvel superhero cape. That is where we are.

I concur with what some of my colleagues said earlier. It is an incredibly scary world we are now in but we have to adhere to our belief in the importance of national sovereignty, of being able to stand against might and of the righteousness and necessity of international law and multilateralism. Despite the weaknesses of the United Nations and all that has been done to it, it remains necessary and cannot be replaced with a board of peace. It is like something straight out of 1984. We have all seen the characters involved. It is easy enough to become involved and cheap at the price. It is $1 billion to buy yourself in.

We are looking at nothing but conflict and instability. I am talking about the genocide in Palestine and the so-called peace at the minute. In this peace, we do not see any justice for the Palestinian people. I am also talking about the brutal conflict in Ukraine instigated by the Russians and about the abject savagery and destruction in Sudan. We have seen draconian actions in Iran.

We have seen an American President who is out of control. I am talking about Venezuela and the threat to Greenland. We all heard about this threat a year ago but we did not take it in any way seriously. Donald Trump believes he has a right to an empire. I am certainly not going to defend America's history of involvement internationally or the wrongs done in the Middle East, across south and central America or in Africa but there was an element of understanding that it had a nouveau empire, it maintained that empire and there was a cost to that. Donald Trump now wants to screw over his allies. There will be a need to stand up to him. It is all well and good to say that he does not necessarily have the support of the American people but we have not seen any checks and balances being able to rein him in.

Dáil Éireann debate - Wednesday, 21 Jan 2026

International Developments: Statements

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 21 Jan 2026