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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 7 Oct 2026

Financial Resolution No. 8: General (Resumed)

Debate resumed on the following Financial Resolution:
THAT it is expedient to amend the law relating to inland revenue (including value-added tax and excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
- Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage (Deputy James Browne)

Tá an cháinaisnéis a d'fhógraíomar inné ina cuid de chlár cúig bliana Rialtais agus críoch le próiseas ar leith oibre a lean ar feadh sé mhí. Is éard atá i gceist leis an gcáinaisnéis ná athbhreithniú agus costáil ar obair uilig an Rialtais agus féachaint chun cinn ar chostas an chláir oibre Rialtais a bheidh le déanamh ar feadh roinnt blianta eile amach romhainn. Ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil agus aitheantas a thabhairt do na baill Rialtais go léir agus na mílte oibrí sa tseirbhís phoiblí a rinne obair dhian éifeachtach ar an gcáinaisnéis seo, chomh maith leis na hionchuir ó eagraíochtaí agus saineolaithe taobh amuigh den rialtas.

Go bunúsach is éard atá i gceist le rialú ná deiseanna a chur ar fáil don daonra agus roghanna a dhéanamh. Cé go gceapann páirtithe an Fhreasúra gur féidir le gach duine an méid atá uathu a fháil, chun a bheith macánta fírinneach tá teorainneacha ann. Caithfidh an cháinaisnéis seo a bheith inbhuanaithe. Cé go bhfuil faoiseamh mór dírithe ar theaghlaigh agus ar ghnóthaí, ceapaimid go bhfuil cáinaisnéis atá cothrom, agus a chabhraíonn le gach duine, curtha i bhfeidhm againn. Tugtar cabhair agus tacaíocht réadúil do chách, forbraítear seirbhísí poiblí agus déantar deimhin de go bhfuil Éire réidh chun dul i ngleic le dúshláin mhóra na linne seo.

This is a budget that provides substantial support for people at a challenging time. It expands vital public programmes and it invests in Ireland's future with both urgency and ambition. It is a balanced budget. It is a budget that is both responsive to very real needs today and responsible in taking action so that Ireland can navigate a period of deep economic uncertainty in Europe and the wider world.

In recent years, we have seen an ongoing series of economic shocks and disruptions. The fact is that they point to a world that is becoming much more uncertain and unpredictable. Many traditional assumptions that we have held about international trade, energy supply, technology, climate and geopolitics are in question. Recent developments have reinforced this reality. These range from rising trade tensions and conflicts that have exposed vulnerabilities in energy markets to rapid technological change and threats to international values and institutions that are central to Ireland's interests. It is clear that these are not just temporary disruptions. They are having lasting impacts and will continue to affect our society and our economy in different ways in the years ahead and the decades ahead. That being said, our economy is showing ongoing resilience. The most accurate measures of the domestic economy show that we outperformed predictions this year and should secure decent growth next year as well.

In spite of the number of questions available to them, the number of Private Members' motions and the amount of Opposition speaking time, it is remarkable how rarely the Opposition ever mentions economic growth. It never does. It simply takes it for granted that the economy will look after itself while it looks to clean out the cupboard. Yet it is growth delivered by a dynamic export-led economy that is the core of all new measures that can be delivered next year.

Before anything else, before any budget measure, the single biggest concern of workers is to have work. Ensuring high levels of employment is a bedrock of this Government's policies. As the independently reviewed background to this budget shows, our actions to increase and protect employment have ensured that Ireland has the highest level of employment in its history.

However, we cannot be complacent. We cannot take our economic success for granted. The core foundation for jobs, employment and funding public services is the wider economy. Acting to ensure that it is strong and resilient in the face of new challenges requires constant attention. We are addressing this through a range of measures, which I will outline.

The world is seeing major price increases, largely driven by conflicts, and we have to do what we can to sustainably help people. The budget provides all who rely on the State for their income with increases in line with or above inflation, while also delivering significant tax changes to benefit those who work. These combine with action to help businesses which are under pressure. In spite of the centrality of the economy and employment to everything, the debate so far has completely ignored these points.

The Opposition appears to believe the economy and employment are irrelevant. It has no policies beyond demanding dramatically more spending. This is to be paid for through higher taxes as well as cutting provision for the investments we need to sustain high employment, more housing, better public services and sustainable energy. The contributions so far have accused us of being Scrooges, miserly and insulting. Above-inflation income measures have been described as less than nothing. Perhaps the most remarkable attack has been the claim that seeking to ensure that public money is well spent is an Elon Musk-like attack on public servants. These absurd and pre-scripted attacks ignore the substance of the many issues our country faces. They are not about trying to solve pressures being faced by people but simply about trying to exploit them.

The facts show that the budget delivers significant increases in spending on services and supports as well as investment, yet it also ensures that we continue to provide for ongoing investment needs and resources to respond to more difficult economic conditions. It provides aid to workers and families ahead of rising prices while investing in protecting the jobs and growth we need to give people decent incomes and fund the public service. In contrast to Opposition contributions, the comments of the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council are substantive and serious. They deserve a response. The council is absolutely correct to say that we have to show restraint and avoid allocating all available revenues. We have to be conscious that some of these revenues may be temporary, and acknowledge there is a limit to the capacity of the economy and public services to absorb increased spending and tax measures. As we respect this opinion, expressed by others as well as the council, we have rejected many of the escalating demands we have heard during this debate for extra permanent spending.

It should also be acknowledged that total gross expenditure has remained very static at about 33% of modified domestic demand, which is the most accurate measure of the economy’s strength. Allowing for the growth in the economy, total spending has remained and will remain consistent over the period 2022 to 2030, using forecasts from the Department of Finance, which have been independently reviewed. We have also brought in a surplus and have increased the funding put aside for future needs, especially for economic investments to underpin employment. Paying a further €1 billion into the Future Ireland Fund in 2027, which brings the total allocation to €7.5 billion, is a significant measure and a signal of our commitment to protecting against economic risks.

However, we must reach a judgment on the balance between this restraint and being responsive to the very real impact which international events have had. This especially concerns significant increases in the cost of living. The ability of families and businesses to cope with rising costs is limited. The significant extra help we have provided is succeeding in protecting high levels of employment as well as household incomes. The inflationary impact of the spending has been and will be limited, with inflation in line with the eurozone average, in spite of our reliance on imported energy. In addition, various measures are directly linked to addressing dramatic spikes in energy costs, which can be reversed. We are also pushing forward investments designed directly to increase indigenous businesses and protect sustainable, long-term revenues for the State. Major investments in energy, housing, transport and other areas are essential for expanding the productive capacity of the economy and underpinning fiscal stability.

We are conscious of risks and the need for sustainability. The Minister, Deputy Chambers, is pushing forward actions to improve the speed and efficiency of investments and maximise the impact of public spending and these are already having an impact. The balance we have reached in this budget shows significant restraint, particularly when set in the context of wider demands. The combination of growth, high employment, an overall surplus and rising reserves signals to the wider world and to investors that Ireland has a resilient economy and a responsible fiscal position. Our bond yields today are significantly better than traditionally stronger economies, keeping down costs and making spending more sustainable. Should we need to be more restrictive, we will be. We will certainly not be adopting the Opposition’s demand that we rip up all restraint and spend everything now.

As I have said, this budget provides significant improvements for workers and family incomes, expands critical public services and advances critical investments. The incomes of the poorest in our society and older people are protected through a range of increases in key payments. Increases in social protection are ahead of price increases and additional payments will help one-parent families, low-income working families and families with children and will significantly increase fuel-related payments. The first-ever dedicated cost-of-disability payment will support almost 250,000 people. It is an important start to a new approach I promised last year. Together with actions in the areas of education, health and transport in this budget, it marks an important moment for developing supports to help people with disabilities. These range from the new €500 payment, through to the development of new services and the expansion of practical assistance such as vehicle adaptation and a significant expansion in special education. The simulating welfare, income tax, childcare and health policies, SWITCH, analysis of social protection changes confirms that they will reduce the numbers at risk of poverty and contribute to our wider target of reducing child poverty, particularly when taken with actions in other areas.

The programme for Government that our parties agreed has marked a decisive move towards aiding people on low pay and low incomes, especially people on fixed incomes and those who rely on State support. European Union and OECD reports have shown that our budgets have involved highly progressive measures which have directly helped those most in need in our society. While direct State support to ensure decent incomes for people is a consistent part of our budgets, people in work and those who pay the taxes which help to fund these supports must also be our concern. We have had limited tax measures for them in recent years, but the impact of rising costs made it important that we deliver a substantive measure of tax changes to benefit people in work. We simply do not accept the argument of much of the Opposition that we should ignore the bulk of workers or claw back everything which benefits above-average workers. These tax reductions are fair and proportionate and a recognition that all workers deserve a break at this time of high and rising costs. Significantly, we have addressed a consistent issue with our tax system whereby people were going into the higher rate of tax at far too low an income level.

Regarding public sector workers, we have now signalled very clearly our willingness to reach a new pay agreement. We have always rejected the ideologies of those who seek conflict or who belittle the role of public servants. That is why we have been willing to expand the number of public service positions and implement substantial pay agreements. What no one can expect us to do is to accept unilateral preconditions before discussions or to give up our right to table proposals. Any dispute on this basis serves no positive purpose and simply delays negotiations which we have shown, time and again, that we always approach in good faith. A dispute would be totally unwarranted, given our willingness to talk and the provisions we have made, including the tax cuts we have decided on. I hope we can see some progress soon. I also say to Deputies that some of the comments on this matter which we have heard in this Chamber have exposed a near-systematic refusal to respect that we must be responsible stewards of public money. To call for the Government to effectively be quiet and just meet any demand is not a serious contribution. I hope we will hear less of this in the days and weeks ahead.

During our time in government, we have steadily implemented a dramatic increase in State support for an area that is one of the biggest costs faced by working families in particular. This year, more than 277,000 children are benefiting from the national childcare scheme because of our sustained commitment to developing the sector and reducing costs for families. Next year, we will again cut the cost of childcare. It will be reduced by a quarter in September. This is a benefit of more than €2,000 in a full year. Crucially, we are going further than this to support more places, to train more people to work in the sector, to expand provision specifically for children with special needs, and to expand free childcare places for low-income families. We are taking another major step forward towards our goal of ensuring that affordable, accessible and quality childcare is available in all communities.

We also believe there is a need for a wider range of actions to give children the best start in life, help to break cycles of disadvantage and help those who need extra help.

Over the years, I have seen how much our country has benefited from a wide range of actions to increase inclusion and opportunity in education. We have succeeded in achieving one of the highest school completion rates in Europe and reducing educational disadvantage through a sustained commitment and we will build on this. In our most disadvantaged communities, we will implement further measures to help children to stay in school and benefit from it. DEIS plus will be further developed and an additional 100 home school liaison posts will be created. All research shows that since DEIS was originally introduced well over a decade ago, it has played a significant role in enhancing school completion rates in the Republic. When the shared island unit commissioned research from the ESRI on differences in completion rates North and South, it showed clearly that completion rates in the Republic are far higher than rates in the Northern education system. As a result, the shared island unit allocated funding to the Northern Ireland Executive to work on a joint programme, RAISE, to try to enhance school completion rates in Northern Ireland through shared experiences and learnings. That is an important metric for us as a society. In addition, direct capitation payments will rise by 24% in primary schools. That is on top of a very significant increase last year. They will also rise by 9% in secondary schools.

As Minister for education, I successfully argued for the development of a new approach to special education, creating the first dedicated classes in mainstream schools for those with higher needs, particularly those on the autistic spectrum, and a new type of role with the hiring of special needs assistants in mainstream schools. We have to keep improving special needs provision, ensuring appropriate supports and a focus on the needs of the child. That is why, next year, over 2,300 new SNA posts will be created, over 1,300 new special needs teachers will be hired and work will move forward to ensure that key blockages in the system are overcome. That will bring the total number of SNAs to 28,000. That is quite a significant expansion. Even in the last five years, the growth in the number of special needs assistants has been exponential. This gives the lie to the assertion that there have somehow been cuts to SNAs and all of that. There have not been. We have also brought in the therapy in schools service. We are now recruiting therapists for special schools. That is well under way and it is having an impact. We have more to do there but we are very committed to it. This year's education budget is significant in terms of the huge expansion in the number of places for children with additional needs.

During and since the pandemic, we have implemented a national programme for expanding access, quality and new services in our health system. The benefit of this is being seen in lower waiting times, improved patient outcomes and the addressing of long-neglected areas. Health will once again benefit from increased funding for critical services. New public health measures, like the shingles vaccine programme, will benefit thousands. The further systematic extension of mental health services will proceed. Because we believe in helping people to be at home as long as possible, the expansion of home help support has been sustained through recent years and this will continue. Home helps empower families to make their own decisions and maximise the amount of time people can spend in the comfort of their own homes.

Health will be the most funded public service area by far next year. The needs of the population deserve this. International pressures on health costs are felt here as well. It is important to say that the Government will continue to support the Minister as she works to ensure that the public benefits fully from the extra funding and posts created. Looking back over the last 20 years, there has been a very significant enhancement of lifespan in Ireland. It has been quite dramatic when compared to any other European country. This is because of our investments in cancer and cardiovascular healthcare over a 25- to 30-year period. It is yielding very significant results in terms of outcomes for people. We are living longer and, as we do so, our quality of life is much better. We need to maintain that. Technology and the application of AI will be very important in that. Of course, we will continue in terms of the scale of public funding, which is now very significant. The number of modern facilities that have been developed is significant. We need to do more but that means dealing with continuing major overruns, which are unacceptable. We cannot have habitual overruns in the public health system. That would undermine the progress we have made on health outcomes.

With regard to public safety, we have to enforce the law, especially in respect of those crimes that can damage the quality of life in communities. Measures taken in the last year are ensuring that the number of gardaí working in the community is maximised. Next year, a further 1,000 gardaí will be recruited and will form part of a sustained effort to target crime where it has the most impact. In addition, through a range of community supports, including sports facilities, we will further invest in community-level initiatives, helping to sustain the social capital that is such a unique and positive part of Irish life.

Part of this investment in Ireland’s future will continue to be the shared island initiative, which is, by some considerable measure, the largest-ever investment in building understanding and connections between all parts of our island. It is funded entirely by the Government here. The sad reality that we have seen in recent days is that the challenge of building understanding and a common sense of a shared future is far from complete. It can often seem that people are more interested in speaking to their own side than finding ways of leaving division behind. Indeed, there are many who appear to believe that there is no place for calmly engaging with others. Many commentators can often seem mainly interested in stereotyping people and demanding loyalty to the party line. People who are genuinely serious about changing things or achieving long-desired outcomes do not see discussions as simply a minor break between press conferences and speeches. As people talk about not returning to the past, we should remember that we could never have achieved anything without good faith negotiations and looking for opportunities to seek discussions rather than reckonings. Today, more than ever, I believe that sustained, substantive and respectful engagement is the only way forward. Next year we will spend a further €200 million through the shared island fund. We will push forward key infrastructural projects and go much further in funding projects that address critical issues. We will build on the annual report on the economies North and South that we began this year. This is the first-ever systematic approach to understanding this critical area. I will also prepare a number of specific initiatives designed to mark a significant step forward in understanding key social, economic, legal and other issues.

Housing will continue to be a defining challenge of this generation. A rising population, rising employment and many social developments have led to a long-term crisis in supply and affordability. This is felt not only in Ireland, but through much of the developed world. The only way of delivering the homes that people need is action across a complex range of issues including legal reform, training, infrastructure, tax and direct support. Brick by brick, we are putting in place a step change in home construction. It is still far too difficult to find a home to rent or buy, but facts show the impact of our sustained determination to get homes built. European Union figures state that Ireland is one of the few countries in Europe that is succeeding in increasing the rate of home building. We now have the fastest rate of home building across Europe. Within this, the number of new homes going to first-time buyers is up because of a range of new supports. The budget will allow State investment of almost €12 billion in housing. This will allow for far more social houses to be built. The rent tax credit will be increased to €1,150 per year for a single person and €2,300 for a couple. Rent-a-room relief will increase. Tax relief through the help-to-buy scheme for first-time buyers is also being increased by €5,000 from €30,000 to €35,000. These are only a few of the measures that will keep the momentum in housing supply and support people to find a home to buy or rent.

As I said earlier, we believe action is required to ensure that Ireland’s economy remains strong and prospers in the face of many deep challenges. We cannot take success for granted. One of the most important issues we must address is the need to find ways to scale indigenous companies so they form a wider base for our internally-trading companies. Our budget is providing for a €1 billion investment programme led by the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund to help Irish firms with scaling up. Multinational firms have played a major role for over 60 years, since the Governments of Seán Lemass and Jack Lynch introduced a pro-enterprise and outward-looking tax policy and committed us to seeking to become a trading nation. Multinational firms will continue to be an important and valued part of our economy, but we must do more to increase the number and scale of significant and innovative Irish firms.

There are many elements to this. One part is addressing the active disincentives to keeping businesses here and reinvesting capital gains from significant sales. That is why the reduction in capital gains tax is important and I am pleased to see that this has been widely welcomed by groups which are focused on building Irish businesses and enterprise.

We also have to continue to support the security and development of our world-class agrifood sector. A broad base of family farms is key to quality production as well as the lifeblood of many of our communities. That is why we are implementing a series of substantial measures to support farming. We will be implementing measures to aid intergenerational transfers, to keep farms in families and help a new generation to earn a good income. The urgent problems of this moment require targeted supports and these will help farmers with the triple challenges of the costs of fuel, fodder and fertiliser. We believe that farmers are increasingly the leaders in transitioning to lower-cost sustainable energy and protecting the environment. Time and again, farmers have shown a willingness to act if given the right supports. A combination of improvements to the targeted agriculture modernisation schemes, TAMS, and to the SEAI grants will provide generous support for installing lower-cost secure energy on farms, something which reflects a cross-Government approach.

Cleaning up key waterways while protecting our world-class and sustainable dairy sector is a priority for us and an additional €21 million will next year fund specific water quality and biodiversity schemes in partnership with farmers. We will continue to ambitiously fund Ireland’s transition to secure, affordable and environmentally sustainable energy. Ireland’s progress in decoupling growth and carbon emissions is very clear and providing funding to go much further is a core part of the reserves we are providing for. We are taking measures in relation to carbon taxes to recognise the reality of current pressures, while also protecting the core principles behind this. Anyone who thinks you can address existential climate issues without any consumption taxes is not being serious. That is why I am surprised that those parties in the Opposition which claim to be most concerned with this issue signed a joint letter on climate with the largest Opposition party; a party which is a loud and inflexible opponent of any carbon-linked taxation.

It is important to note that we have signalled our intention to support fishing communities and a long-term future for another sustainable and high-quality indigenous industry. The allocation of an additional €20 million to begin implementing our plans is a major step forward.

For every part of the Irish economy, the haulage sector represents an essential partner. Its costs matter to us all and the impact of fuel prices has been profound. This is why we are reducing the excise on fuel for hauliers under the road transporters support scheme.

At this critical moment in shaping our economic future, we are taking action to further invest in education and training. We are providing a further €50 million a year for the next three years, which is €150 million in total, through the National Training Fund for an AI skills and resilience package. We are also acting on a cross-Government basis in relation to developing skills to understand and, where appropriate, adopt artificial intelligence. The debate on the need to protect privacy and address safety issues with frontier AI models is a very serious one. However, it is a very different issue from the use of AI in relation to a wide range of practical applications. Enterprise-based applications which perform limited but important tasks are a reality. This is where we need to ensure we have the skills required to make use of AI to improve services and protect competitiveness. As part of our Presidency of the European Council, we will shortly host a major conference on AI which will explore this issue.

As we look at the economic challenges of today and the years ahead, we would do well to remember the words of Seán Lemass when he addressed a post-war meeting of what became the OECD. He said, "We cannot ... win for our people the high and rising standard of living we wish them to have merely by the temporary patching up of our own national economies." For him, international co-operation in strong, rules-bound organisations was essential; in fact, it was the only route to progress for countries like Ireland. That is as true today as it has ever been. That is why we will continue to be a Europositive Government, seeking opportunities to strengthen the European Union as it faces continued attacks from the right and the left. We strongly reject the corrosive Euroscepticism of half of the Opposition in this House.

Our allocation to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will ensure that we continue to build on the exceptional work being undertaken at this moment by Ministers, diplomats and officials to move Europe's agenda forward. This Presidency will mark a significant step forward in the level and depth of Ireland’s work for a shared prosperity among the nations of Europe.

At a challenging moment in international affairs and with major needs for social and economic investment, this budget is both balanced and ambitious. It addresses key social and economic issues through sustained action both next year and beyond, while also providing significant direct assistance to families and businesses under pressure today. It rewards work by delivering increased take-home pay for all workers, while also using resources to help those who need support. Increased pensions and social protection payments, a range of measures for people with disabilities and a major cut in childcare costs will each make a difference, as will a programme of expanding important public services. Home building will grow further, including the largest-ever programme of social home building. Direct support for renters will increase. Critical investments will be made to secure our economic future and we will take steps to support dynamic and scaled indigenous businesses. We will do this in a way which protects our ability to respond to economic shocks and vital public supports. It is a balanced, fair and ambitious budget. It will help people with rising costs, but also provide a foundation for securing a strong economy, high employment and quality public services.

I thank the Taoiseach. Before I call the Tánaiste, I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating the Tánaiste and his family on his latest addition. I am sure this is not the most flexible job in those circumstances but congratulations.

I thank the Ceann Comhairle. I am delighted to be here today and I thank her for her kind wishes. I am pleased to join the Taoiseach and Cabinet colleagues for these statements on budget 2027. The Government sees this budget as the next step in the trajectory of delivering on our programme for Government. It is a path to securing Ireland's future. It is a path that brings us to a place in which work is rewarded, economic success is tangible in the everyday lives of our people and the public finances are invested in building the infrastructure and services that our country needs to thrive. It brings us to a place where everyone, regardless of circumstance, can get ahead and provide for themselves and their families, a place where we build homes, schools, healthcare facilities, childcare places and transport and energy capacity - the infrastructure that a growing country needs. It brings us to a place where businesses can prosper, create jobs and generate wealth and where farmers can profitably produce a safe and sustainable food supply. It brings us to a place where we invest in the Garda and in the Defence Forces to keep our communities and our country safe and secure. Underpinning all of this, it is crucial that we drive faster delivery with less bureaucracy and better value for every euro.

I am pleased to have the opportunity today to further outline the measures introduced in budget 2027 and the rationale for them. I am sharing time with the Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment, who will outline in more detail how the measures we have taken will assist businesses and farmers. I will not list again every measure that the Minister, Deputy Chambers, and I announced yesterday, but I want to take the opportunity to restate a few important themes. Before doing that, it is worth pausing to reflect on the context for the budget. This is a budget that is being delivered at a time of exceptional uncertainty. The energy price shock continues to put households and businesses under pressure. The instability in the global environment has particularly severe consequences for a small, open economy such as ours. Across the world, borrowing costs are rising. We cannot pretend these things are not happening. We cannot imagine them away. We are not immune. Similarly, we should not be paralysed in the face of them. We need to consider their implications, analyse their effects and react. We need to think of both the short-term and long-term consequences and then plan accordingly.

That is exactly what this budget represents. We are in a position to deliver a budget that strikes that balance because of the remarkable resilience of our economy. Even with all the external shocks we have faced, we are one of the fastest-growing economies in Europe. We have a falling ratio of public debt to national income. We have rising incomes. We have a labour market that has been running at full employment for the longest stretch in the history of this country. When we think of where we have been in the past two decades, this is an astonishing accomplishment. From the depths of financial crisis to the shocks of Brexit, the pandemic and the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, we have rebuilt our economy together and we have restored our public finances. This momentum needs to continue. Next year, we hope to add another 53,000 jobs to the economy. Our economy is projected to grow by 3% in terms of domestic demand. As I said yesterday, by the end of next year and using this metric, our economy will have grown by a fifth since the Covid pandemic. That is a remarkable statistic in any context. In the context of the last few years, it is genuinely exceptional.

Countries do not find themselves in such a strong position by accident. It is because over successive governments and across many years, we have together gotten the big decisions right. In uncertain times, it is more important than ever that we continue to make the right choices. Yesterday, as part of the budget, my Department updated its projections for the public finances. This year, we expect a surplus of €6.7 billion, rising to €9.5 billion next year. Of course, I am very conscious that some see these figures and ask why the Government is not spending more and saving less. No one anticipated that the pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine or the conflict in the Middle East would upend the global economy. If we had listened to those who always want to just spend more and tax less, we would not have had the resources to respond to these challenges. We would not have been able to protect our people. We would not have been able to protect our economy.

We would have mortgaged our kids' future for short-term political gain. It is precisely because we have managed our public finances in a responsible way that we have been able to react with flexibility and speed to the latest shocks. Running surpluses is not about keeping any bean-counter happy but about protecting our people against downturns, about protecting our from austerity, about protecting public services, about projecting jobs and about making sure we can continue to invest. Some of the tax revenue we receive from large companies may not be around forever. That is why we set up the Future Ireland Fund to set aside some tax receipts while we have them to invest for the future and to pay for costs that we know are coming. It is not a rainy day fund; it is a fund for demographic change that will happen in Ireland. As I have said previously, I see no good reason our children should have to pay the full costs of our old age. We have a chance to help avoid that and we will. The positive state of our public finances means I have decided to transfer an additional €1 billion to the Future Ireland Fund. This brings the total contribution for next year to €6.8 billion on top of the €23 billion that has already been transferred into funds like this. This reiterates this Government's commitment to reinforcing our economic resilience.

Running surpluses and keeping the public finances safe gives us the capacity to respond as necessary when shocks happen. The most pressing challenge facing families today is, of course, the energy price shock. Government is acutely aware that people are struggling with rising prices and we have not hesitated to step in to try and help ease that burden. Even before budget day, we had made €1.3 billion available in supports cutting the rate of excise duties on fuel, delaying scheduled carbon tax increases and extending the fuel allowance season and we put in place support schemes for the haulage and agricultural sectors that are so important to our economy. Of course, no government can fully absorb the impact of a global energy price shock - no government should try to do that - but we have demonstrated time and again that we stand ready and willing to act when the circumstances demand action.

After seven months of conflict in the Middle East, the world has changed significantly and even if the conflict were to end tomorrow, the consequences for energy markets would reverberate for some time to come. In these circumstances, it is right that Government continues to provide support. That is why, alongside the budget, we have announced that we will extend the reduction in excise duties on fuel until the end of February followed by a gradual restoration over the next four months. Extending this measure represents a substantial financial commitment on the part of Government. Because we have strong fiscal buffers, it is a cost that, thankfully, we can absorb. Restoring rates in a gradual and phased manner means families will not face a sudden cliff edge during the winter months and that they and businesses can plan. These measures have made a real difference. I often hear people ask why did we do this on fuel and what about this and that. We know that by doing this on fuel, we have suppressed inflation growth in the economy by approximately 0.6%, and whether you have a car or not, whether you use diesel or petrol or not, the package we have put in place has helped more generally in managing inflation across the economy. Lower prices at the pump relative to where they would have been means lower prices in the shop relative to where they would have been.

We are also taking further action on carbon tax. We are cutting the tax on kerosine and natural gas. The rate of carbon tax on these products will be reduced back to where it was in 2023, down from the €78.50 per tonne that had been scheduled. We are saying that these rates will be maintained for the lifetime of this Government. I told the House yesterday, and I repeat today, there will be no increase in any form of tax at the pump or in people's homes during this winter. We should acknowledge, though, that every choice Government makes comes with a cost. Budgets are about making decisions. They are about striking a balance. Carbon tax is used to fund retrofitting, fuel poverty supports and agri-environmental schemes. Many people, though, do not have an easy alternative to home heating oil and natural gas. Some are facing a real challenge and it is right that we take action to help without undermining those long-term environmental commitments but we also need to be honest with people.

Ireland is one of the few countries in the European Union that has a derogation from what is called emissions trading system, ETS, 2. If Members propose going too far in relation to carbon tax, and it is their right to propose whatever they want, they need to be honest with people about the effect. That will result in transferring billions of euro from the coffers of Irish taxpayers to European coffers. That is the effect. There is no consequence-free decision. People can go to public meetings, monster meetings or whatever meetings they want to, but if they stand on a stage and promise the farmers of Ireland that they are going to magic away the carbon tax and it is not going to have an effect on the contribution we have to make to the ETS, they are not telling the truth. Let us have an honest debate on carbon tax. I would much rather that we continue to keep control in this House and in this Government on what we can do with carbon tax revenue and keep our ETS 2 derogation than have to pool our resources at a European level and lose the level of national autonomy that we currently have. It is important that people do not mislead farmers, hauliers and the public at this moment of cost-of-living challenge.

We must also continue to work hard to decarbonise our economy. We know that the two recent shocks to energy markets are evidence that we have got to move away, if any further evidence was needed, from our reliance on fossil fuels and towards renewable sources of energy. Dependence on fossil fuels leaves us exposed to external forces we cannot control and the best way to insulate future generations is to build a greener and more sustainable economy. That is why we are investing more in the ESB to boost capacity. It is why we will transfer €2 billion to EirGrid over the coming years to invest in the resilience of our energy grid. It is why we made a decision yesterday to extend the VRT relief for electric vehicles for another two years and increase the subsidies for retrofits.

The energy transition is the long-term project but we can take action today to accelerate it. In this budget, we are making further changes as part of that wider transition. We are helping to support micro-electricity generation enabling you to earn more without paying any tax on any energy you might sell to the grid from solar panels. We are reviewing cleaner aviation fuel and the cycle-to-work scheme and what more might be possible in those areas. The Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment has secured a significant expenditure package to underpin the delivery of secure, sustainable and affordable energy and reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels.

Energy is perhaps the most visible pressure that households are facing but the cost of living is a multifaceted challenge. Temporary supports are necessary. They help, but they are by their nature not a lasting solution. The most effective tool that Government has for assisting the cost of living is by giving people back more of their own money. We have one of the most progressive income tax systems in the world. That is something we should rightly be proud of but, at the same time, people in the middle can sometimes feel as if they are being asked to shoulder too much of the burden. Over this and future budgets, we will work to change that. We have made clear that the budget wants to reward work and support people. That is why we announced a personal income tax package of €1.3 billion and in line with the programme for Government, we are committed to adjusting income tax bands and rates so workers do not find themselves paying more in tax simply because their wages have risen, they have got a promotion or they have done a few extra hours in overtime.

It is entirely right and appropriate that when it is feasible to do so Government takes action to help taxpayers hold on to a bit more of their own money. I acknowledge there are different ideas around tax on income but Members should be clear that if they want to take thousands of more people out of the USC, that will be a very dangerous situation for this country. A third of workers already do not pay any tax on their income. That is okay. They are low-paid workers. That is a progressive tax system. However, if Members want to narrow the tax base further, they have got to be honest. They are transferring the tax burden further up towards the squeezed middle. They are saying to the garda married to the nurse and to the teacher in a relationship with a civil servant that they will ultimately have to pay more or they need to come out and explain where they are going to cut public services. In the challenging economic days, 45% of workers were not in the income tax brackets and we are now at approximately a third. We need to be responsible that we do not narrow the tax base because all narrowing the tax base means is jam today and more pain tomorrow and we can never go back to that as well. We believe this is the right balance to take.

By the way, people like to compare did a lower-income worker get this versus a middle-income worker. First, the tax system is progressive. Second, the budget is progressive. The documentation shows that. However, we also have to be honest that if people are on a lower income, they can, thankfully and rightly, avail of other supports such as the fuel allowance, the working family payment, the back to school and education allowance, a SUSI grant or the child support payment. There is a certain group of people who can get nothing and do not want anything other than getting a little bit of their own money back and we have to be truthful about that. A person working 39 hours a week on a factory floor on the minimum wage will see their income rise by more than €1,300 next year under this budget and anybody suggesting that this is not a budget for all workers clearly has not read all of the elements in the budget or totted them up because it is quite clear. Lower income workers will see their income rise €1,300. We are helping businesses absorb that with changes we have made to PRSI as well.

We are also increasing the tax credit for renters. We are reducing the cost of childcare. We are bringing down the cost of buying first homes through allowing people to get more of their own money back through the help to buy scheme.

Progressivity matters to this Government. Our officials have done an assessment and we published it yesterday. Those on lower incomes gain the most from the full suite of measures from tax to the minimum wage, welfare and pension increases and we should acknowledge that. We should have an honest debate. Much of the discussion in this House takes place in a vacuum of calls for more and more and ignoring what is going on in international markets. Many countries now have to borrow at interest rates of 5% or more. Thank God we do not, but we must be conscious that we can never take that position for granted. That is why we have to continue to plan for the future. It is why we have got to strike a balance. It is why we have to invest in key areas such as childcare and early years.

I welcome the progress we have made on our programme for Government commitment to reducing childcare costs and getting over the lifetime of this Government to that commitment. That is a real saving for so many parents and families in the time ahead.

I am also pleased with what we are doing for education in increasing the number of teachers and SNAs, providing additional capitation funding for our schools and capital funding for our schools building programme, as well as having a real focus - rightly - on special education facilities and places. As many of us are aware, October is dyslexia awareness month and this year's theme is "Effective teaching changes lives". That is why as a Government, we are pleased the Department of Education and Youth has secured funding as part of this budget for three initiatives which will help support young people with dyslexia. The first is the literacy associates pilot programme, with graduates of DCU's Master of Education in dyslexia support and up to 40 schools initially to announce the quality of literacy teaching. In addition, we will soon launch a revised assistive technology scheme which will remove barriers to accessing the curriculum for children with dyslexia. In 2027, we will introduce a new accredited course on inclusive education, which will include a pillar on enhancing literacy and numeracy practices in schools to include a focus on dyslexia. I know all of us in government thank and acknowledge Minister of State, Deputy Moran, who has shown real leadership in this area, speaking openly about his own experience of dyslexia and the challenges he faced in education and throughout his own life. By sharing his experience and championing greater understanding and support, this helps to ensure others do not face those same barriers in silence.

In my Department, we are seeking to champion financial literacy. This work is in the context of introducing our new investment account. I was glad we could outline in more detail our plans for this account yesterday, which I hope will give people the opportunity over time to build up their own financial resilience. Investing should never be the preserve of the wealthy or only open to those with access to expensive financial advisers. This is about changing that and making investing simpler, clearer and more accessible for people. The Government's role is not to tell you how to manage your money but to make sure we put a tax system in place that makes it possible for you to make the best choices for you and your family. Our new investment account will open on 1 July 2027. We will legislate for the detail of it in the finance Bill, and I look forward to having the opportunity to discuss and debate that in this House.

This budget is about helping people with the here and now. It is about helping people with the resources we have while also planning for the road ahead and protecting Ireland and its economy, and therefore our living standards into the future. It is about a budget that supports households and businesses in an appropriate, affordable and meaningful way today, while investing in our long-term climate transition so that we reduce our exposure to future energy shocks. It is a budget that rewards work and effort and enables people to keep more of their own money. It is a budget that gives people the opportunity, maybe for the first time, to put their money to work for them. It is a budget that is being delivered at a deeply uncertain time but this country is well-placed to face the challenges ahead. Our public finances are in good shape and we are one of the few countries in Europe now running surpluses. Our economy is strong and resilient, and our labour market is at full employment. This has given us the scope to respond to today's needs while also planning for tomorrow's musts.

The budget sets out an ambitious and optimistic but realistic path forward, built around rewarding hard work, risk-taking and innovation.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on my Department's budget for 2027 and on the work we are doing to support the Irish enterprise sector. A thriving enterprise sector is not built on one intervention or one budget measure. It is a product of many factors carefully considered over time to create the right environment for businesses to invest, innovate and create jobs. While we would all love to have a silver bullet, long-term success depends on getting a wide range of factors right, from skills and infrastructure to access to finance, innovation and competitiveness.

Some would have you believe there are easy answers and obvious solutions, but delivering a stronger economy requires many different levers to be pulled carefully. Through targeted investment and sound policy-making, we are creating the conditions for businesses to grow, jobs to be created and for Ireland to face 2027 from a position of strength. The measures I will outline today are built on four priorities. The first is helping businesses to access the capital they need to start, scale and compete. The second is investing in innovation, productivity and the technologies that will shape the economy of the future. The third is a critical focus on tourism and regional development and, finally, is strengthening our competitiveness. I will also touch on some of the key changes made by the Tánaiste, Deputy Harris, regarding taxation and supporting the agricultural sector.

Improving access to finance remains the Government's priority. Following the strong success of the growth and stability loan scheme, I have secured approval of €0.5 billion for expansion of the scheme, bringing the total size to €1 billion and extending its availability until June 2029. I am delighted to confirm this funding will be available from our pillar banks from this Friday, so SMEs should engage with their bank and apply as soon as possible. In addition, and in conjunction with the Tánaiste, we have announced €1 billion for the ISIF start-up and scaling investment programme that is being developed in co-operation with Enterprise Ireland. This will be transformational and will provide ambitious Irish companies with the capital they need to scale, innovate and compete internationally. An additional €4.5 million has been allocated to our local enterprise offices, LEOs, including measures to help small businesses invest in energy efficient equipment, reducing operating costs and supporting the transition to a more sustainable economy.

Budget 2027 provides an additional €3 million to Enterprise Ireland for the establishment of Start-up Ireland, a key priority under the programme for Government and the action plan for competitiveness and productivity. I am delighted to officially launch the commencement of Start-up Ireland next week, and look forward to the ambitious journey of supporting 1,000 start-ups over the next four years.

Access to finance alone is not enough. We must also ensure Irish businesses can develop and adapt the technologies that will drive future growth and identify where future markets will go. Budget 2027 provides an additional €6.5 million for the disruptive technologies innovation fund. Universities can provide a unique environment where new technologies can be tested, refined and de-risked in ways that are often difficult for commercial organisations operating under day-to-day market pressures. This makes the disruptive technology fund critical to the Irish business eco-system.

Funding of approximately €30 million will be available to support Ireland's participation in the European Space Agency. During the first half of this year alone, almost €13 million worth of contracts were awarded to Irish companies, with four Irish companies winning the first ever European Space Agency contract.

The National AI Office commenced operations in July this year. Budget 2027 provides an additional €2.3 million for the office, bringing its total allocation to €3.8 million. Artificial intelligence presents an unprecedented opportunity for businesses and society, with many AI companies choosing Ireland to locate their European headquarters. We will play an important role in the safe deployment and regulation of the technology, while supporting innovation and economic growth. The budget also includes a landmark €300 million from the National Training Fund, which will be used to upskill and reskill our workforce and AI over the coming five years.

Furthermore, additional resources provided to IDA Ireland in 2027 will progress the next generation's strategic sites initiative, helping to advance the deployment of up to three large-scale strategic sites in position for Ireland to invest in opportunities in sectors such as semi-conductors and live sciences. These will be key investment positions which will capitalise on the opportunities of tomorrow.

Support for Irish businesses is about more than industry. It is about supporting sectors and sustaining jobs and communities right across our country in both urban and rural settings. Tourism remains a key contributor to regional economies across our country, with over 46,000 SMEs active in the tourism sector. Budget 2027 provides €1.4 million in additional funding to Fáilte Ireland to support sustainability and accessibility improvements across its property portfolio. In addition, €5.25 million will be allocated to support digitalisation, regional and tourism infrastructure, and enhance tourism data and analytics capability. We know many tourists now research and book their trips using generative AI, and we need to ensure our tourism SMEs are coming up in these searches. I am also providing an additional €2.3 million to Tourism Ireland to support the implementation of the action plan and market diversification, helping to grow revenue from key European markets, expand international connectivity and attract high-value visitors to our country.

With the delivery of both our culinary and accommodation tourism strategy next year, 2027 will be an exciting year for Irish tourism. We have sufficient untapped potential in this vital sector, particularly in the midlands and less mature markets, which will be the focus of future investment.

Investment depends not only on financial supports but also on confidence in the institutions that underpin our economy. The National Standards Authority of Ireland, NSAI, will receive €1.2 million in current funding to increase its capacity to assess the certification of modern methods of construction products and systems. The NSAI will play an important role in ramping up housing construction at scale. I am also providing additional current funding to strengthen a range of regulatory and labour market institutions, including the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, CCPC, the Workplace Relations Commission and the Labour Court. I will bring forward new legislation next year to empower the CCPC to impose tougher fines for breaches of consumer law.

I welcome the pro-business taxation measures announced as part of budget 2027 by my colleague the Tánaiste, including the key announcements on the research and development tax credit. We will work together with the key sectors in developing a new €15 million scheme for rural pubs, acknowledging their contribution to rural economies in our small towns and villages across our country. The Tánaiste has also extended a number of important measures that support entrepreneurship, including the employment investment scheme, the start-up capital incentive and start-up relief for entrepreneurs, the angel investor relief and the knowledge box development regime. Investors require certainty, and having a well-resourced, efficient and predictable regulatory tax system is a key part of our offering for foreign direct investment and domestic business growth.

I acknowledge the Government's decision to increase the national minimum wage by 75 cent per hour in line with the recommendation of the Low Pay Commission. It is imperative that we support workers' incomes while also strengthening competitiveness through measures that provide greater certainty for employers, including the removal of the 2029 living wage timeline, alongside broader actions to reduce the cost of doing business. Working with the Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Dara Calleary, we have increased the weekly earnings threshold for the lower rate of employer's PRSI from €552 to €600. This means that more workers, particularly those on the minimum wage and slightly above it, will qualify for a reduced rate, helping to ease the cost pressures on employers while supporting job creation and retention.

I am also glad that one of the key recommendations of the cost of business advisory forum will be implemented, as we cut red tape for employers by replacing real-time revenue enhanced reporting requirements with a more practical monthly reporting system. This is a common-sense measure and will be well-received by the SME sector. Across the Department and its agencies, work is underway to simplify and improve how businesses access supports and services. It is imperative that we do things simpler, lighter and faster, and in the Department we are taking simplification seriously. For example, I have gone through all grant processes linked to local enterprise office, LEO, funding streams and reduced the number of questions asked by more than half in some cases. Businesses' most precious resource is their time and we need to ensure that we are not asking for information that is not necessary, especially for some small grants.

I finish by noting some of the important tax changes to our farming community, another crucial sector of importance to the indigenous economy. Regarding succession farm partnerships, the Tánaiste has committed to a removal of the three-year holding period for applications made from 1 January 2027 onwards. He is also increasing the associated tax credit available for five years from €5,000 to €10,000 for succession partnerships registered from and including 1 January 2027. VAT on respiratory vaccines for livestock will be reduced from 23% to 9%. In 2027, we will see an expansion of the accelerated wear and tear allowance for farm safety equipment. The farmers' flat-rate VAT addition will be increased from 4.5% to 4.8% in 2027. This will provide full compensation for flat-rate farmers for their VAT input costs. On the spending side, alongside this overall package, it is welcome that the fuel income support scheme is being extended to cover a further five-month period this year in recognition of the continuing pressures on that sector.

It is easy to argue that every challenge can be solved with more spending but building a strong economy requires more than writing larger cheques. The revenues that fund our schools, hospitals and public services do not appear by accident. They are generated by successful businesses, entrepreneurs and workers right across our country. The measures announced in this budget reflect careful choices and clear priorities. Every euro allocated has a purpose, to support enterprise, create opportunity, strengthen competitiveness and deliver lasting economic benefits. Our responsibility is not simply to spend more, but spend wisely. The increased funding secured for my Department will help ensure that Ireland remains competitive, innovative and an attractive place in which to do business, work, invest and visit, both in 2027 and in the future.

I echo the words of the Tánaiste and my colleague the Minister of State, Kevin Boxer Moran, about dyslexia, and acknowledge the work they have done and continue to do, which we will continue to do together in government. When I stood here this time last year, I told the House that when my fellow Teachtaí Dála in the Independent group had the courage to support the establishment of a new Government in January 2025, we did so on the basis of an agreed programme for Government, a blueprint for change to be delivered over the course of five years. While in opposition, we as Independent TDs highlighted, among others, issues affecting carers, those with disabilities and fuel poverty but we also knew that to achieve what was required, we needed to work in government. On that basis, we agreed a programme for Government with our coalition partners. Budget 2026 was the first step on that road to addressing some of these issues, a key part of a five-year programme.

What I, or anybody else in this House, did not know at that time was how very unstable the geopolitical environment would be and how it would impact not just us here in Ireland, but across the entire world. Budget 2027 is the second year of that programme. We have worked hard to have a solid economy, which has been built over many years. In this budget, we want to continue to protect our economy into the future, while also providing ease to many hard-pressed people. This Government is determined to protect our economic progress, to protect our people, protect jobs and also to protect our future. The overall package is worth €8.5 billion and it aims to positively impact everyone across the country, to the heart of our communities. As an Independent TD and a Minister of State attending Cabinet, I look forward to continuing to work with our partners in government while the measures outlined in the programme for Government are being implemented.

I know all too well that people are finding the increased cost of living very tough. Budget 2027 has sought to address that challenge through various methods. The cut on excise duty on petrol and diesel will remain fully in place until 28 February 2027 to give people additional certainty over the coming months. From that point, there will be a gradual and responsible restoration of excise in four phases, with a full restoration not occurring until 30 June 2027. This is alongside the extension of the reduced National Oil Reserve Agency, NORA, levy until 31 December and the extension of the diesel rebate scheme until the end of December.

We have also decided to reduce the rate of carbon tax on kerosene and natural gas for the lifetime of this Government. Home heating oil and natural gas is a huge cost for families and this measure, taken with others, will help those who are most hard-pressed during the winter period. Last week, fuel allowance payments began issuing to more than 465,000 households across the State for 28 weeks. That figure represents approximately 26% of all households. We have increased the fuel allowance by €5 per week, which means an overall payment of €1,204. The scheme has already been expanded this year to make it available to more households. The weekly single income threshold will rise from €534 to €640.80, allowing thousands more older people to qualify for support and enable them also to apply for the warmer home scheme. The living alone allowance will be increased to €25 per week, benefiting more than 259,000 people. This was an important addition to the budget for my Independent colleagues and I.

Some of the people who make a real difference every day in the life and our society are carers. We remain committed to having the means test abolished over the lifetime of Government. Last year's budget was the first step in achieving that. Budget 2027 will see income thresholds increase again by €150 for a single person and €300 for a couple to €1,150 and €2,300, respectively. Budget 2027 is also prioritising increasing income tax bands for workers. The entry point at which workers start paying the higher rate of income tax will rise from €44,000 to €46,500. Tax credits will also rise by €125.

For a household with two earners bringing in a combined €100,000, the changes will amount to an annual saving of about €1,500, while a single person earning €50,000 will be around €750 better off annually. Importantly, the working family payment income thresholds will be increased by €30 per week, with a €6 increase in the weekly rates for child support for children under and over 12 years of age.

The area of disability was a key issue for my Independent colleagues when we were negotiating the programme for Government. I am delighted to see the cost-of-disability payment being introduced as part of this budget, and I commend the Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Calleary, for his work on this. The lump sum payment of €500 will help bridge the gap between the current weekly disability allowance and the cost of living with a disability today. In my own Department of Transport, I am delighted to confirm €6.5 million funding for the vehicle adaptation scheme in line with the Government's national human rights strategy for disabled people. The new scheme will support drivers and passengers who require adaptions to enter, exit or operate a motor vehicle. It will open for applications early next year and, importantly, it does not replace the disabled driver scheme. I also welcome the increase in earnings disregard for disability allowance and blind pensions by €10 to €175 per week. There will also be an increase of €10 per week across all social welfare payments.

There are also changes to the capital acquisition tax thresholds that apply to gifts and inheritance. The group A threshold is increasing from €400,000 to €420,000 and the group B threshold from €40,000 to €44,000, with the group C threshold increasing from €20,000 to €22,000.

Hauliers, logistics, private bus and coach operators, farmers and farm contractors, and our fishery sector are key to our economy. Since the conflict in the Middle East began, we have worked with representatives of the groups involved in these sectors in making sure that they are supported. The fuel support package was confirmed earlier this year as a result of ongoing and continuous engagement with those in the transport, farming and fishery sectors who were under real and immediate financial pressure. That engagement continues with these sectors, which are vital to our economy. Within my own Department, and along with the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, I hold regular meetings with representatives of these groups. We extended many of these measures as autumn approached, and we have moved further in budget 2027 to support this sector. The cut to excise duties on fuel will also be extended.

Within my own Department, the road transporters support scheme will be extended for a two-month period, with an estimated cost of €73 million. This scheme has been vital to support the sector. The fuel income support scheme for farmers and farm contractors will also be extended to December 2026. An EU exceptional aid scheme will be introduced to compensate farmers impacted by higher fertiliser and energy costs, with €15.3 million in EU funding being topped up by 200% with €30.8 million in Exchequer funding from the existing Department of Agriculture, Food and Marine allocation.

The programme for Government commits to bringing down the cost of childcare to €200 per child per month. This is a key area for me and my Independent colleagues, and I recognise that childcare costs are a burden for people to bear. From September 2027, no parent will pay more than €550 per month per child for all children up to and including senior infant level. We have increased the amount that childminders can earn tax free. Currently, that stands at €15,000 per year, and it is to rise to €20,000. In addition, the limit on the number of children that may be cared for while a qualifying childminder claims the relief is being removed.

There is support for families who have students in third level education. There is a permanent reduction in the student contribution fee of €150. There are also fee discounts for families who have multiple students in third level education and an increase in SUSI maintenance grants by 4.5% from January, which is a move that will benefit 150,000 students and their families.

It is widely recognised that we need to move to more sustainable energy sources. Our current geopolitical situation has underlined that fact. New and enhanced energy grants opened yesterday, helping households make their homes more energy efficient and reduce energy bills. The new supports include a €2,000 boiler scrappage scheme for eligible fossil fuel heating systems; a €600 home battery grant; up to €9,000 for solar photovoltaic, PV, and battery systems for eligible households receiving certain social welfare payments; fully funded solar PV and battery systems under the warmer homes scheme; new attic and cavity wall insulation grants for homes in housing assistance payment, HAP, and rental accommodation scheme, RAS, tenancies; solar PV and solar thermal grants extended to homes built and occupied before 2025; and enhanced supports for businesses investing in solar PV panels, heat pumps, and solar thermal systems.

Our small and medium enterprises are central to our economy. They are feeling the pinch, too, and I have seen and heard this message coming loud and clear from meetings I have attended with them. The employer PRSI threshold rises from €552 to €600 per week, meaning that businesses will save between €650 and €700 a year per eligible employee. This will ease the cost of the minimum wage increase for SMEs. The standard rate of capital gains tax has been reduced from 33% to 31%. A number of enhancements have also been introduced to the research and development tax credit in the budget. The relief from tax on certain start-up companies has been extended by four years to December 2030.

The Minister, Darragh O'Brien, will outline the main budgetary allocation of the Department of Transport. I have already mentioned the introduction of the vehicle adaptation scheme, but for me, road safety is a key priority, and I have made it a central theme of the EU Presidency as I lead out on the transport portfolio. Just two weeks ago, I was delighted to welcome my EU colleagues to Dublin Castle for the EU informal transport Council meeting. We held productive discussions around road safety and how connected and autonomous vehicles and intelligent transport systems could support efforts to make Europe's roads safer. I will be instructing the Road Safety Authority to ring-fence €20 million to deliver important road safety awareness, education and promotional campaigns. This is an increase in €2 million in funding from 2026. The allocation for national, regional and local road networks and road safety measures is €1.784 billion. Funding will also enable key milestone projects like the Galway city ring road to develop.

I have recently signed regulations to raise the age limit for e-scooter users from 16 to 18 years of age, make helmets and high-visibility clothing mandatory and double the fees for detention and storage of seized e-scooters. Further work is being progressed on the registration of e-scooters. Earlier this year, we banned the use of scramblers in all public places, and I have also signed new regulations that double the charges payable by owners of scramblers seized and detained by the Garda.

Work is continuing in the area of road safety. Multiple learner permit regulations will come into effect next month. Local authorities across the country are currently in the middle of consultations on introducing 30 km/h speed limits in built-up areas with a view to having them legally operational by March 2027. I have also recently brought the National Vehicle and Driver File, Road Traffic and Roads Bill 2026 to Second Stage. This Bill will modernise the National Vehicle and Driver File.

At the end of the day, all of these regulations and other legislative measures are about making our roads safer, getting people back to their loved ones safely, and reducing road deaths and serious injury. Since taking up this role, I have met with many road safety advocates who have lost loved ones or have suffered serious injuries, and each and every one of their personal stories has been profound.

The increased funding for public service obligation, PSO, services means that we will be able to expand and enhance public transport services across the country in 2027. There will be 140 new or enhanced services introduced next year.

I am also pleased to see huge progress in another area under my remit, namely, the Irish Coast Guard. A sum of €137 million has been allocated to supporting maritime transport and safety. This will fund the operation of the Coast Guard as it works to save lives and protect our natural environment, support the operations of the Commissioners of Irish Lights and the State's marine casualty investigation functions.

Ports are also under my remit, and I was delighted to put the revised national ports policy out for consultation earlier this year. I hope to present a new policy to the Government later in 2026 following a thorough and inclusive consultation.

There are many more important additions in budget 2027 for the agricultural sector. The amount of income from agri-environment schemes disregarded in the means test for farm assist and State pensions will increase from €5,000 to €7,500.

VAT on non-oral medicines for livestock will be removed. In housing, the help to buy scheme will be increased by €5,000, providing additional assistance to people seeking to purchase their first home. Of course, there will be support for rural pubs in the form of a €50 million support package, which is most welcome. The rural dweller pilot under the rural social scheme will expand the number of places to 500, which is good news for rural Ireland.

I started my speech by talking about how my Independent colleagues and I entered government with a firm eye on shaping the future of our people. We wanted to effect long-term change that was sustainable to our economy. We cannot introduce every change overnight, especially in the uncertain times we are in. Budget 2027 is the second of five budgets where we will introduce long-term, effective, targeted changes for our people. This is another step along the way in implementing the programme for Government.

Ba cheart go mbeadh tús áite tugtha d’oibrithe agus teaghlaigh sa cháinaisnéis seo. Ina ionad sin, áfach, níl againn ó Fhianna Fáil agus Fine Gael ach a thuilleadh den rud céanna arís. Fágann an cháinaisnéis seo an lucht oibre níos measa chun freastal orthu siúd ag an mbarr. Níl fís ná samhlaíocht sa cháinaisnéis. Níl aon mhórsmaointe inti le dul i ngleic leis na dúshláin atá romhainn nó le leas a bhaint as na deiseanna. Tá sé léirithe arís eile ag Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael nach bhfuil sé ar a gcumas an Stát a chur chun cinn agus Éire níos fearr agus níos cothroime a chruthú.

I listened very carefully to the budget speeches delivered yesterday by the Ministers, Deputies Harris and Chambers. I was wondering if the two men would come up to the mark and meet the clear challenges before them, if they would bring vision, purpose and real solutions for workers and families. God knows, people need that now more than ever. This is a wealthy State. The economy is very strong, yet something does not quite add up for people. People know that something is very badly wrong. Despite that wealth and economic strength, too many ordinary people - workers, families, our young people - are locked out of prosperity and opportunity. Too many households are under enormous pressure just to get by. People are exhausted, and who could blame them? Prices keep going up, the bills keep rolling in, the rip-off is never-ending and people are sick of it. They are sick of working harder than ever but still falling further behind.

This was a year of record tax receipts. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael never tire of boasting about the massive surpluses. The questions that people ask themselves every day, and that they ask now after this budget, are very simple. Why is it so expensive to live in Ireland and raise a family? Why can working people not afford a home? Why are renters paying rip-off, record rents? Why are hospitals overcrowded, accident and emergency departments under daily pressure and close to a million patients on waiting lists? Why are people with disabilities left behind? Why are kids with special needs left without a school place or left waiting for assessments of need or therapies? These were the questions on my mind as the Ministers read out their speeches. As Simon Harris's 45 minutes rolled into Jack Chambers's 45, as they talked in millions and billions, I was not just angry. I wondered how painfully out of touch with the lives of ordinary people they could possibly get.

A Cheann Comhairle, we have now had a decade of the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael partnership Government. This is the 11th Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael budget. I realised that I had listened to a different version of the same budget 11 times now. Sure, the Ministers change, the numbers and speeches change. The one thing that never, ever changes is that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael always put those at the top first, the golden circles ahead of the ordinary workers and families of Ireland, the people who actually create the wealth. As the Ministers' speeches gave way to the arrogant racket of applause and back-slapping from the Government benches, I wondered if that was really it. Here they are with their billions and billions, with their record surpluses. Is this the best they could do? A gone-before-you-get-it budget, devoid of imagination and ambition, so disconnected, the product of an inability to listen or to understand what workers and families are going through. There is nothing here that says "solutions". Instead, people got half measures, tinkering at the edges or nothing at all. If the Ministers' aim was to show people again that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael did not have the answers or the ideas to meet the challenges or opportunities that our people faced, then they got an A1, top of the class and job done.

Deputy Simon Harris could not stop saying that this would be a budget for those who got up early and worked hard. Who exactly was he talking to when he said that? It certainly was not the majority of workers, the 1.5 million workers he left behind yesterday with his tax changes. What he gave them was €200 - not even a fiver a week, a pittance that will be wiped out with just one household bill, and he acts as though people should be grateful. Did the Tánaiste think they would jump for joy when he unveiled a second budget in a row that left ordinary workers worse off? This is actually an insult to those workers. We showed the Government a fairer way to give every single worker a real income tax boost, by abolishing USC on the first €40,000 for every worker. The Government ignored that, again. A full decade after Fine Gael promised to scrap the USC entirely, the tax brought in by Fianna Fáil when it crashed the economy - does the Taoiseach remember that? - those opposite have barely made a dent in it.

What do the Ministers think families struggling to keep up with soaring prices heard from them yesterday? Two weeks ago, the Tánaiste and Minister for Finance stood here, puffed out his chest and told people not to worry because "help is on the way." What help? There is no dedicated cost-of-living package. More than 300,000 households already cannot pay their electricity bills. A million households are on the hook for further energy price hikes, and there is nothing to help them pay their bills. We asked the Ministers to provide the €400 energy credit. They could not find the money for it, they say, but they did find the money for generous tax breaks for their pals in high places - the developers, landlords and bankers, all the usual suspects. There is no sign of a windfall tax to hit the bumper profits of the big energy companies, which squeeze every euro they can from their customers. They let them off scot-free and did not put a glove on them.

What of the 700,000 families who rely on home heating oil to keep warm? After months of standing back and refusing to help, what does the Government come up with? A miserly €43 cut on a fill of oil that now costs €1,600. That took some neck. It could have removed all of the carbon tax from home heating oil. That would have delivered a substantial price cut. For Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, it seems that these families simply are not worth that effort.

It is the same when it comes to families who rely on a car. Petrol and diesel prices are through the roof. They are up to €2.20 a litre in some parts of the country. That is a huge daily pressure on households. The Government did nothing to get those prices down. It could have delivered a further 10 cent per litre reduction. That is what Sinn Féin proposed. Now we know that the Government has learned nothing from the mass protests in the spring. We know it is not listening again, because it is prepared to allow people to continue to take that hit.

Maybe none of this makes a difference to the people in this Chamber, all of whom are very well paid, but it means a hell of a lot to the person out there trying to build a life, to parents trying to provide for their kids, to families trying to keep the show on the road, to pensioners trying to pay their bills and to young people wondering if they will have to leave.

Yesterday, after the Minister announced his dead-end budget, I asked myself what the point of this Government was. How is it that it is always lost on it that it is the Government's job to make ordinary people's lives better? Its job is not to continually feather the nests of those at the top. That is the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael way and it is written all over this budget again. The Government could and should have made better choices. It could have shown some courage and broken the mundane cycle of a century. It could have put workers and families first. It has the money and could transform things, but it does not want to. That is the truth.

In fact, the Government acts as if providing investment for the things that really matter to people is somehow reckless and a waste of public money. Let me tell the Government that nobody is asking it to build thousands of bike sheds - we will leave that to you guys. We are talking about building homes that people can afford, investing in our health service so that people get care when they need it, investing in our schools, making life affordable, building communities, lifting children out of poverty, driving opportunity and opening prosperity to everyone. That could be done. Once again, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have proved beyond doubt that they will never ever get us there.

I want to ask the Tánaiste as well as the Minister, Deputy Chambers, what they think our young people heard from the budget, the seven in ten of Ireland's sons and daughters who are now looking at leaving for a better life abroad. What did the budget say to them? At the election, the Tánaiste told young people that the Government would abolish student fees. After the budget, students will pay €350 more today than when he made that promise. The Tánaiste takes these people for fools. Let me assure him that they can do the maths. They know that at the rate the Government is going, it will take 16 years to scrap student fees. That means that children who are not yet born will be preparing for the leaving certificate before we get there. Sinn Féin would have immediately cut student fees by €1,250 and completely abolished them by September of next year because that would be the right, progressive and strategic thing to do.

What of the young renters of Ireland? They will get a measly €150 while rents continue to spiral out of control. This penny-pinching is in stark contrast to the Government's tax breaks for big developers or the sweetheart deal for vulture funds that it has disgracefully and shamefully continued in this budget. We know the one; it is the one that allows them away without paying one single cent of tax on their rental income.

I had to laugh at the Taoiseach, Deputy Martin, earlier. I assure him that I do not generally laugh at him. He spoke about being responsible stewards of public money in a very lofty, high-minded way. My God. Is that his definition of being a responsible steward of public money? I would guess that the public are not one bit happy, if they actually realise, that these funds get away without paying a single cent in tax on their rental income. Our proposal - the responsible proposal - was to end that scheme. That would have raised €335 million, which would have paid for €10-a-day childcare with change left over. That was another big promise that the Government made before the last election.

Our young people, including young parents, see the Government choosing the big boys over the public good. This budget as regards housing is not about young people. Rather, it is a blueprint for the continuation of the crisis that is pushing them out. We simply cannot have another generation of our young scattered to the four corners. We have had too much of that in the past. Young people must be able to build their futures here in Ireland. This is where they belong. This is their country. This is their home. Their talent, creativity and skills will take us forward. We simply cannot lose them.

We stand here today not only to criticise the Government's nowhere budget but also to plant a flag for our young people and their future, a future beyond the stifling roundabout repetition of broken Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael policies. Enough of going around in circles. Our young people deserve their chance and opportunity to build a good life here in Ireland, and we will keep fighting for them and never, ever give up.

What does the Government think people with disabilities heard yesterday from the budget? It does not come even close to giving them the support they need and to which they are entitled. How many times have they stood in the rain outside the Dáil to protest and try to get the Government to listen? After all of the consultations and heel dragging, the Government has come up with a lousy €10 per week. That will not even begin to make a dent in the additional expenses that people with disabilities face every single day. A €500 lump sum payment - one, by the way, that excludes people with disabilities who are working - is wrong. Furthermore, it will not be paid until the spring of next year. Meanwhile, the cost of disability scheme is pushed out again until 2028. The message from the Government to the disabled is always, "Wait, wait, wait, struggle, struggle, struggle".

The budget is often viewed as something that happens in a political bubble, but the choices have real impacts on people's lives. I remember very clearly the austerity budgets after the economic crash. I remember how, when times were lean and the cupboard was bare, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael acted at a razor-sharp pace and had real energy and decisiveness when it came to delivering vicious cuts for working people. There was no limit to their imagination in doling out the pain, when they scrapped the bereavement grant and cut respite care and jobseeker's allowance for young people.

In a time of abundance when the State has never had so much money, where now is the same pace, energy and imagination from Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil to improve the lives of working people and our young? Could it be that, in the end, it is not the economic circumstances that matter but that Government parties that have clung to power for a century simply have no interest in delivering for workers and families? The Government is wedded to politics that are all about protecting the privilege and wealth of those at the top. That is never going to change.

I want to speak to all of those left out, forgotten and abandoned by this budget, and they are many. You deserve so much better than this. We are on your side. We have your backs, and will continue to fight your corner and will not stop because we know we can shape a better country and future. Life in Ireland can be affordable. We can build the homes that our people need. We can have a healthcare system that works, affordable childcare, education that is open for every child, and opportunity for our young people.

I know that, right now, that could seem really far away, but Ireland is a great country, we are a great people and our best days are yet to come. Do not give up. Do not lose hope. It does not have to be Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael budgets and governments forever. On this side of the House, we will keep working hard to build the strong republican alternative, to win people’s trust and confidence and to show them how things can be different and better and how we can have an Ireland – a united Ireland – that puts workers and families first. God speed that day.

I said last night on the floor of the Dáil that Fine Gael represents a privileged class. Every single year, when the Government produces a budget, it proves me right. Fine Gael is supported in that by Fianna Fáil and their Independent colleagues who came to their defence last night, as they will over the next number of days when votes are called on this budget. This is the second budget in a row where a majority of workers have been shafted by the Government. The Tánaiste and his colleagues spent months hyping up this budget and raising people’s expectations. The Tánaiste said that this was going to be a budget for workers and, Trump-style, talked about a big tax package. What was in that big tax package for the majority – some 1.5 million - of workers? It amounted to €5 per week, or a total of €250 a year. When the Tánaiste, the Taoiseach and others in the Cabinet signed off on this budget and that €5 increase, I am sure they knew it would be wiped out by increases. If they did not know that, it shows how out of touch they are because the people we represent, including those workers I mentioned, are the same people facing increases in their mortgage, rent, insurance and grocery payments. Everything is going up, including the price of fuel. Meanwhile, the Government says the support these people need is €5 per week.

I will remind the Tánaiste who we are talking about in this regard. It is the childcare workers, special needs assistants, people working in the retail sector and those who do Trojan work for us in the health, education and public services, as well as those in the private sector. They are the people who also get up early. They keep this country going. They keep small- and medium-sized business going. However, the best the Government could do for them was €5 per week.

Yesterday, Deputy Doherty was correct in describing this budget as an insult because that is what people are saying to us. Yesterday, I spoke to a lady who asked me what happened to all of the election promises of both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil. All their talk about cutting the cost of childcare and third level fees as well as supporting people through an energy crisis has disappeared like snow off a ditch and been replaced with minimalistic approaches. That is what people saw in this budget because the Government represents a cosseted, privileged class.

Financial resolutions were taken on the floor of this Dáil last night, two of which related to investor tax reliefs that will cost taxpayers €1 billion over five years. They concerned capital gains tax and capital acquisition tax. Imagine framing a budget and thinking what this State needs is more tax relief for investors. Imagine what €1 billion could have done. How many special needs assistants and additional staff in our health services and schools could have been recruited? Imagine what more could have been done to reduce the cost of childcare and all the other things that could have been done with this money. Instead, the Government decided, as it did last year in its budget, to put wealthy individuals, golden circles, investors, vulture funds, banks and all of those big, powerful and wealthy institutions first over and above ordinary working people. What the Government does every year is deepen inequality and strengthen privilege in this State. It is truly shameful.

When it comes to home heating oil, Deputy Pearse Doherty and we in Sinn Féin were outlining to the Government for a long time the need to abolish the carbon tax, which would have saved families €183 on a fill of their tank. The Government only did a quarter of that. It is another insult and piecemeal measure. Families will save €43 with this move. In fact, the Tánaiste could not even get his figures right when he first talked about this proposal. Again, the Government has left those people high and dry.

I remember the election campaign. Sinn Féin put forward strong policy positions in that campaign, and I hoped the Government would implement them. Childcare is one such example. We were the party that called for the cost of childcare to be €10 per day or €200 per month. Simon Harris rowed in behind that plan and made big pledges that he was going to do it. What has he done, however? He capped it at less than €500. Again, we see minimal interventions and minimal increases.

I have talked to a lot of people who cannot access childcare. They say the reason they cannot access childcare is that they cannot recruit staff, and the reason they cannot recruit staff is pay. Childcare workers are the same workers who have been shafted in this budget and will get €5 per week. The Government makes an absolute mess of everything it touches. It has forgotten the promise it made on childcare.

Renters have been shafted again with the increase of €150. We proposed a doubling of the tax refundable credit. The Government only increased it by €150. Not a single cent of additional capital funding was allocated for housing. I have spoken to young people and their parents about this. I have two young boys myself, one of whom is in college. I fear for the ability of young people to own their own home and live and work in this country. We all want them to have the best. We want all of our children to have the best. Young people tell me they will never be able to afford their own home. Every time they hear the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste talk about turning a corner or how housing is the biggest challenge of our time, they see house prices and rents increasing and more people who cannot afford to pay their mortgages. That is the reality. The help-to-buy scheme has increased house prices by €50,000 over the past two years. The Government is chasing price increases. You could not make it up. My eldest son, Emmett, who is now in his second year in college, would be the first to say that maths was not his strongest subject in school, but he knows when he is being taken for a fool. Imagine the Government saying to young people in college that it is cutting their fees when, in fact, they are paying €350 more per year than they were when the promise to abolish fees was made. Young people will not be taken for fools. They can see through all of the spin in the budget.

Healthcare is, obviously, one of my areas of responsibility. I looked at the budget and it is more of the same. The Government has not properly funded the healthcare system and there is nothing new in this budget that will address the real problems. If the Tánaiste were in touch with the reality of what it is like for most people, he would know there are almost 1 million people on acute health waiting lists as well as some 250,000 people on community and primary care waiting lists. We have record numbers of people on trolleys. Yet, the Government cannot seem to get a grip with any of it. We spend a huge amount of money in healthcare but we do not get the efficiencies or outcomes.

When I said at the start of my speech that the Tánaiste represents the cosseted, privileged class, how right I was because for two years in a row, he has delivered a budget for vulture funds and the wealthiest people in this country. He was not prepared to put any additional taxes or windfall taxes on the big energy companies, the banks or those big companies that can afford to pay more tax to enable people to have a better quality of life. He is just not in a position to do it. The Tánaiste says there is no alternative when, of course, there is. Sinn Féin produced an alternative budget. In fact, with all the hype I heard from the Government over the course of the past number of months, I thought some of our proposals might have been implemented, but that was not the case. We wanted the USC on the first €40,000 of income to be abolished. That would have put real money in people’s pockets quickly. It would have been much fairer than the Government’s proposals, which instead benefit the highest earners. We called on the Government to do more on the price of fuel, diesel, green diesel and home heating oil. Instead, however, there are piecemeal approaches from the Government.

We also proposed an energy credit of €400.

We also proposed additional capital spending in health, housing and other areas to build the society we need with schools, hospitals and infrastructure. The reason I say every year that the Tánaiste represents a cosseted, privileged class is that every budget I see from the Government deepens inequality. Every budget I see from the Government shafts ordinary working people. They know it and see it, and they are not impressed at all. We needed a Government that would look after the majority of people and give them hope. I am referring to those young people I spoke about who just want to live here, own their own home, raise their families, and not have to think about emigrating. They want hope, and they are not getting it from the Government. That is why we in Sinn Féin work tirelessly every single day to convince people that there is a better way and that a different government, led by Sinn Féin, is what this country needs to better support workers and families and give them the break they deserve.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I read an article in the Irish Independent this morning that focused on the winners and losers of the budget. The first line of the article came from an anonymous Minister who said that the best metric of a good budget is that it is forgotten by lunchtime on Wednesday. I think that is an absolute shame. It is indicative of the absence of ambition from the Government that it would seek to advance a position that a good budget is one that people simply forget the next day. We all know too well that people will not forget this budget the next day. The bills still come through the door. People will see if they have gained an extra couple of euro here or there. People who are really struggling, really cut to the bone and really stressed about the next energy bill coming through will know that the Government has abandoned them. Apathy should never be seen as a measure of success, but that is what this Government is relying upon. It is hoping that with a few things here and there, people will not notice that we are being mismanaged and they are being failed. It was already being conditioned long before the budget when various Ministers would step forward and say this new idiom, "Sure, we're not going to be able to solve every problem." The implication of that is maybe the Government could pick one or two and solve those, but this budget will do none of those things.

When we get the budget every year, I look to see what the greyhound test will be. Sure enough, this year, funding to the greyhound industry again got increased. At the same time, women coming forward to domestic violence services still do not have access to domestic violence refuge beds. There is luxury in this budget, but it is not going to the people who are hardest hit and most pressed to the bone. I represent communities that have been destroyed by drug-related intimidation. It was referenced in the High Court this week that children are being indoctrinated into crime. I thought it would have been taken seriously. It is destroying not just a community like Dublin Central, but it is happening in rural Ireland. Last year, the drug-related intimidation programme this Government initiated received €320,000. I am sure this year's figure will be announced in the next couple of days, but it will not be anywhere near what the greyhound industry is getting. That is a measure of choices and we pay for those choices in innumerable ways. This budget had the capacity to expand, to be innovative and to do great things for people in this country, but it has gone past and that simply will not happen.

When I read through the budget yesterday, I was flabbergasted by the fact that the 320,000 households struggling to pay their energy bills will not receive an energy credit. That is shameful. We have a scenario where people are getting loans of money to pay for their energy bills. The Government simply says it is too complicated to target that at low- and middle-income earners, despite the fact we have had years to achieve it. The Social Democrats brought forward a motion last week for a windfall tax to pay for those credits. In a time of abundance and a time of international unease - we all recognise what is happening in the Strait of Hormuz - we are told that windfall energy companies can blossom in their profits while 325,000 households are in energy arrears, terrified about the next bill that comes through the door.

Fianna Fáil promised that pensioners would receive an extra €12 per week in the budget. When our party's deputy leader, Deputy Cian O'Callaghan, pressed the Taoiseach on that today, the Taoiseach replied that Fianna Fáil is part of a coalition with Fine Gael and the Independents. The implication was that nasty Fine Gael made Fianna Fáil stop fulfilling its promise to pensioners.

This budget should not be measured by how quickly people forget about it. That is the problem time and again. In this time of abundance, we have Government parties that lack ambition. When this time of abundance ends, what will the people of Ireland have for it? We still live with energy insecurity. Childhood poverty is still at very high levels. We have people choosing whether to heat their homes or to put food on the table to eat. This is the Ireland we are living in. I do not doubt that there will be good things there.

When a family that is struggling to pay for childcare heard yesterday that there is to be a reduction in the cost of childcare, inevitably they would have thought it is a great thing. However, it will not happen until September of next year. Most of the measures will come in in January. This budget is a failure of ambition. It is a failure of the Government. I have no doubt it will be repeated next year.

Year on year, budget after budget, in my day-to-day speaking to people in my constituency, what I see coming through in people's lives, in their frustrations and in their fear is that their lives are unstable, uncertain and insecure. They do not know what will happen to their one-off payment next year. They do not know what will happen to their job, their small family business, their crèche place, or their disabled child when they are not there to care for them. They are so tired of being unsure and afraid about their future. The story of this Government for so many years has been the story of spin in the media, repeated announcements of the same schemes, and broken promise after broken promise. I cannot count how many glittering announcements I have seen from the Government on military radar, a system we will not have in operation until 2028. Meanwhile, the recruitment and retention crisis in the Defence Forces persists. There are glittering announcements on basic income for the arts, while applicants from May continue to be left in the dark about whether they were successful in their applications. Fanfare around extending statutory sick leave or issuing culture vouchers is good enough to grab headlines but not enough of a priority to actually follow through on. If we want people at home to have faith in the State, to work hard, to care for each other and to trust that those they elect have their interests at heart, we cannot continue to see empty words and broken promises. I believe, as the Social Democrats have always believed, that leadership in politics is about honesty. It is about knocking on a door, having a conversation with someone and telling them exactly what you will do. It is not about sweet words at election time and the endless cycle of "will they or won't they?" on budget day.

The headlines from the Government about record funding for the Arts Council is an ironically creative interpretation of facts. The increase to Arts Council funding - the first in the lifetime of this government - is 1.7%. We know that if you are not getting more than the rate of inflation, you actually have less to spend. This means less for grants for artists, less support for arts programmes in our communities, and less for the culture which contributes an untold amount to the Irish economy and the richness of our lives. Be it basic income or Arts Council funding, every year we see thousands left disappointed not because their applications were not good enough, but because the money and support was not there. The crisis in our night-time economy continues to be ignored as venues are faced with thousands of euros in licence fees that are the results of an outdated system not built for them.

Do phobal na Gaeilge agus na Gaeltachta, ciallaíonn an easpa maoinithe nach bhfuil aon bhealach acu le forbairt agus fás agus le cur leis an tsárobair atá á déanamh ag meáin na Gaeilge, TG4 agus Raidió na Gaeltachta. Más mian linn freastal ar phobal na Gaeilge agus tacú leis an teanga, ní leor cúpla focal in óráid. Teastaíonn cúpla punt sa bhanc. The failure to provide security and certainty in these areas, and the failure of Government to follow through on what it says, means artists giving up on the arts. It means filmmakers closing their production company. It means another dance floor shutting its doors. It means that all of us miss out.

Workers and SMEs are being lauded as big winners in this budget. However, when we look at the measures that have come through, it is very clear that the real winners are the big businesses that will reap most of the benefit of the tax breaks, not the small companies in Ireland that continue to tread water or the workers who do not know what their future holds. This uncertainty and insecurity means choosing to let staff go, to cease trading and not to create new jobs.

For workers, insecurity means not knowing if they can pay their bills, have a family or buy a home, or even whether they will have a job.

While we have full employment, it seems that every week another group of workers for the multinational companies that call Ireland home are made redundant and stonewalled by their employer on redundancy. Yesterday, the Minister for public expenditure said that the Government presented this budget from a position of strength, and that this strength stems from the hard work and dedication of the Irish people. It resides in the talent and ambition of our youth. The hard work of people up and down this country needs to be rewarded with recognition of their rights and contributions as workers, real action to promote collective bargaining and follow through on commitments to a living wage and paid sick leave. What they have is more delays and more broken promises, all while we face the biggest public sector strike in years due to the refusal of the Government to come to the table and talk about pay.

There are clear signs that there are problems on the horizon for our young people, and that they are facing huge issues accessing the job market, which need to be addressed proactively. Labour displacement from AI is not a remote threat. It is here and it is causing redundancies and a massive decrease in entry-level jobs and the quality of work overall. This budget was an opportunity but, once again, workers, pensioners, young people, families and artists are left wondering what the future holds.

This should have been a budget of hope for housing and hope for our young people that they can have a future here, that they can buy a home and that they can rent securely and affordably. However, the budget, just like the Government's housing plan, has no coherent strategy and no vision that can solve the housing catastrophe. The budget will just deliver higher house prices, higher rents and higher homelessness. It continues what the Government has always done, which is what the developers and the investor funds lobby it to do.

Who will the budget really benefit? It will not be the younger generation struggling to buy a home. It will certainly not be the thousands who are in homelessness. It will be the same people who have benefited from every Fianna Fáil and Fianna Gael budget, namely, the investor fund landlords, big developers and the banks that have seen their profits soar in the middle of this housing and cost-of-living catastrophe.

IRES REIT, Ireland's largest vulture fund landlord, has tripled its pre-tax profit this year and thanked the Government publicly for the rental changes that allowed it to hike scandalous rents that will just gobble up the miserly rent tax credit. The developer Cairn Homes has had a 75% jump in profit. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have been in government since 2020, and since then we have seen the median house price increase from €250,000 to €396,000. A total of €146,000 has been added to the median cost of a home. How the hell are young people, workers, carers or any normal people able to try to find the funding to build a home in a cost-of-living crisis? Of course, of what is being built in Dublin absolutely nothing is available for sale.

What has been built in terms of affordable homes that people can buy? Just 935 affordable purchase homes were built by local authorities last year. When half a million adults are stuck at home this is an insult and it shows the Government's housing plans are not actually about delivering affordable housing but about pumping the market. The budget is illusion and spin. There is spin that the Government is helping people to afford a home but what are the measures actually about? They are about inflating house prices. Really, they are aimed to help to increase the profit margins of investors and developers. Higher rents and higher house prices are not an unfortunate and unintended outcome of Fianna Fáil and Fianna Gael policy; higher rents and higher house prices are the intended outcome. They are the Government's policy, based on the market ideology of incentivising private supply, which will at some point lead to lower rents and house prices.

What this shows is that the Government is utterly captured by market interests. It is funnelling over €2 billion a year of public money into the private market and into the profits of landlords and emergency accommodation providers. What a shocking waste of public money. There is €500 million to landlords in HAP, €500 million to emergency accommodation providers, another €500 million on a VAT cut for developers and investor funds, €250 million on the help to buy scheme, hundreds of millions of euro in apartment subsidies and the REIT tax break. I could go on and on. It is a mirage. The Government is pumping the private market and not investing in delivering affordable housing.

What is really shocking and shameful is that the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste just stood up here and spent half an hour reading out 19 pages of a budget speech and not once was homelessness mentioned. We had page after page of priorities and actions but no mention of anything to tackle the highest level of homelessness in the State. It is to the Government's utter shame and embarrassment that it refuses to acknowledge this. Actually, I wish it was. Fianna Fáil and the Taoiseach said previously that Fianna Fáil is the party with a social conscience. The budget showed once more that Fianna Fáil and Fianna Gael care so little about the 5,830 children in homelessness that it does not even merit one mention in 19 pages of budget speeches. There is no investment in preventing homelessness or no ban on evictions. The Government does not care for our most vulnerable. When it does trumpet in terms of homelessness, it states we have record levels of spending on emergency accommodation. It is not spending on homes for those who are in homelessness but hubs, bed and breakfast accommodation and hotels. It is only Fianna Fáil and Fianna Gael who could dress up spending €500 million on dealing with its own failure as somehow a good thing.

Last night, the Government voted against making housing a human right. We in the Social Democrats believe that housing is a human right. This is the difference between us and the Government. We have solutions that will get the state building affordable homes and clearly we need a change of Government to get it.

Last Thursday the Labour Party released our alternative budget, entitled A Future We Can Afford. It sets out a clear, fully costed, alternative path for our country based on our socialist and social democratic values. It sets out our ambition to develop an active State that will provide a sustainable and affordable future for all. In our budget document we set out our key priorities on energy, incomes and child poverty. It sets out pathways to drive down energy bills and take effective climate action, to protect incomes from the cost-of-living crisis, and to end child poverty and homelessness.

Our Labour Party proposals are honest, fiscally responsible and ambitious for our society and economy. As our finance spokesperson, Deputy Nash, has said, it is possible to devise a budget that is both fiscally responsible and socially ambitious. It is about making the right political choices and this is the honest truth. Speaking of honesty, earlier the Taoiseach attacked Opposition parties, saying we never mention economic growth. This is not true of the Labour Party. We are the party of job creation, the party of work, and a party that believes in sustainable growth.

Unfortunately, yesterday the Government did not make the best political choices for sustainable growth in our society and our economy. Its budget measures, as Deputy Nash said, are premised on a profound dishonesty. For instance, there is a failure to face up to the fiscal reality that just three companies pay nearly half of all corporation tax and that the Irish economy is so desperately dependent on a small number of products. Ireland is unique in that our economy is growing fatter from Manjaro but if global consumers fall out of love with weight loss drugs, we are in trouble. Not only this but the Government has not acknowledged the serious underfunding of the health and education budgets. We have seen no attempt in the budget to develop long-term sustainable measures to build homes, take necessary climate actions, reduce household bills and target child poverty. The money the Government states will go back into people's pockets could barely buy a chocolate bar a week.

Meanwhile, the Government's fiscal strategy continues to gamble with the country's money. When the money ran out for schools and hospitals, thanks to underfunding last year, it cobbled the cash together by taking money from other Departments. When the public sector pay deal ran out months ago, in June, it snubbed the unions representing workers across our vital public services. The Minister, Deputy Chambers, must now engage urgently with unions whose members are struggling. The Government's failure to take PAYE workers seriously has led us into industrial action this week, with more substantive strikes due next week. This failure to engage is symptomatic of the Government's approach more generally of plastering over the gaps with short-term measures and being unable to plan beyond the end of the month.

Unfortunately, far too many families across Ireland are also unable to plan for the long term because of the Government's failure to protect them sustainably. The Government has failed to think big. As Deputy Sherlock said yesterday, it has failed to use the firepower of financial surpluses to make real change. It has failed to address the real issues facing communities and households in any effective way in what is a distinctly underwhelming budget with no ambition and no vision.

In tonight's debate and over the coming days, my Labour colleagues will speak further on what the Government's failure to think big means for so many different areas, including for social protection, childcare, justice, education, disability services and much more.

I now want to address three glaring issues where the Government has clearly failed, and has failed in this budget in particular. These are the climate and energy crisis, the housing crisis and the poverty gripping childhoods across Ireland. On climate and energy, the Minister of State will know, as we all do, that the cost of energy is biting hard. It is outrageous that so many families are in arrears on energy bills, struggling to heat their homes while energy companies make enormous profits yet in its budget, the Government chose not to adopt Labour’s proposal to slap a windfall tax on the big corporations and data centres that are profiteering during this energy crisis. That tax could have funded targeted energy credits for households struggling to pay bills. We have set out that plan in detail to help the nearly 500,000 people already in arrears. These are people like the pensioner who contacted me in despair, saying she does not know how she is going to afford to heat her home at all this winter. If households, families and individuals, like that pensioner, are struggling today, we know that this winter will bring untold further suffering.

Yet this Government failed to reduce home heating bills in any sustainable way. It put only a pittance in the budget for Sustainable Energy Authority of Ireland, SEAI, retrofits. It is just 2% at a time when applications have doubled. Just a month since the National Transport Authority, NTA, announced that fares would go up by an average of 15% in January, the Government did nothing to make public transport and active travel more affordable at a time petrol and diesel prices have exploded. This is not just bad climate policy; this is bad economic policy too. Every €1 invested in public transport generates €4 for the domestic economy. It makes no sense to make it more expensive to take a bus or a train or to cycle a bicycle. This Government has also frozen active travel funding again this year, amounting to an equivalent funding cut of 22% since 2020 when inflation is taken into account. That is shameful.

In his speech yesterday, the Tánaiste asked us not to infer that his resolve to decarbonise had dwindled but the Government’s actions speak for themselves. On the one hand, it is continuing to subsidise fossil fuels. On the other, it is making it more expensive to use public transport. It is not helping households to reduce either transport or energy bills. It has no ambition on climate. Its strategy for tackling the energy crisis, like its national economic strategy, depends on a handful of Silicon Valley libertarians and, indeed, authoritarians in Tehran, Tel Aviv, Moscow and Washington DC. In an era of global conflict and global warming, the best the Government can come up with is fossil fuel subsidies that cannot keep pace with inflation. We know the sustainable way to cut the price of carbon is to cut carbon consumption, and not to take short-term measures that merely keep fossil fuels from getting even more expensive for a week or two.

By contrast, Labour’s plans to drive down bills would also accelerate Ireland’s transition to renewable energy. For example, we have called for a radical measure, which is a €500 million investment in free plug-in solar units for households that would cut their bills by €150 per year and help meet climate targets. We have seen it done in Germany. Let us get on with it here. Labour would deploy some of the Apple tax windfall to turbocharge retrofitting, street by street, across urban and rural communities. We need a retrofitting revolution on the scale of the rural electrification programme of old. That is the level of ambition needed on climate and on energy.

This Government’s many failings on housing go far beyond a lack of ambition on retrofits, and the failing is most glaring in homelessness. A further 1,500 people have been made homeless since the Government's previous budget. Close to 6,000 children are now in homelessness. Yet there is such a poverty of ambition when it comes to the Government’s measures on housing in the budget, with barely a mention of homelessness in either Minister’s speech yesterday. There were other terrible mistakes as well, including the slashing of tenant in situ funding last year, no child and family homeless action plan yet and no updated homelessness prevention framework. Of the funding going to emergency accommodation, 70% is going directly to private providers. This means the Government is paying a high price for the failure to prevent homelessness, but children in homelessness are paying the highest price of all.

The housing crisis is touching every sector of society. Staff cannot be recruited to keep schools and hospitals running because they cannot afford to live anywhere nearby. Pensions are stretched because older people are forced to rent well into retirement. House prices and rents are soaring. The root of the problem is a lack of supply, but the Government is fuelling the affordability crisis. Its big-ticket measure in this budget, the increase for the help to buy scheme, will, regrettably, simply put up house prices even further. It is an inflationary measure. Raising the rent-a-room tax-free ceiling risks becoming a rent hike dressed up as relief for homeowners. Building more homes is the real solution this crisis needs.

Where is the Government’s big thinking? Indeed, where is the Minister for housing? He needs to transform the Land Development Agency, LDA, into a State construction company to drive construction at scale, as Labour has argued. He needs to create a radical reset in housing and get on with it. People want more homes, not more hare-brained schemes or more beds in sheds, or as the Tánaiste calls them, detached auxiliary dwellings. The acronym is DADs, but it is more like duds in reality. There are no real solutions for families and young people struggling so hard.

With that in mind, I want to raise an issue at the nexus of the housing crisis and the crisis of violence against women. For months, the Labour Party has campaigned for the introduction of a safe fund, a three-year, €3 million non-means-tested fund administered by Women’s Aid to provide immediate financial support to enable victims to escape a violent home. The Minister, Deputy Jack Chambers, and the Taoiseach both signalled a welcome for this idea. Women’s Aid records that nine women have been killed this year, already more than the total number of femicide victims last year. Sadly, the difference between an escape and a life saved and remaining trapped and even losing life can be heartbreakingly mundane. It can be money for a taxi, a flat deposit or a new phone. We only see an increase of €5.3 million in funding to Cuan and no sight of a safe fund. Let us contrast that with a €15 million handout being thrown at rural pubs without any clear purpose yet, beyond the Tánaiste’s vague desire to keep pub doors open. I hope the Minister for justice will confirm that a safe fund will be made available, because we know how serious this is.

I have spoken already about the serious scourge of child homelessness and child poverty, and it is shocking that in a country as wealthy as Ireland, one in five children lives in poverty. The Labour Party wants to make eradication of child poverty a national priority. We would commit €770 million to end child poverty, create a second tier of child benefit and provide direct support to children who need it most. The evidence is clear, so why has the Government kicked this measure down the road again? We have also proposed the extension of free GP care to all children aged under 12, a further expansion of hot school meals, which must be high-quality and nutritious, a universal back to school clothing and footwear allowance, and a reversal of fee increases on State exams and school transport.

Children get just one chance at childhood, but the Government is squandering it. Its childcare fee caps are much higher than the €200 limit it nabbed from our election manifesto and our promise of a universal public childcare scheme, and those caps will not even come into force until next September. There is nothing there for families struggling even to find a childcare place, and nothing for foster care amid a serious crisis in the care of children.

In reality, the Government has no coherent plan in this budget. We have seen some really shameful measures. There has been a disgraceful reduction in real terms in the allocation for overseas development aid as war rages across the world. Only a tokenistic increase was made in the living alone allowance after older people were promised €7 more per week. There was a failure to extend the domiciliary care allowance to all under-18s. No clear change was made to pupil-teacher ratios. The investment in special education falls well short of established need, not that anyone believes the education budget is anything more than a fiction anyway.

What has the Government done? It has introduced a €230 million capital gains tax cut, an extortionate price tag for a measure that will narrow the tax base. It is crazy to reduce wealth taxes and introduce savings investment schemes when people are struggling and the economy is already hot. It is almost as wrong-headed as last year’s disastrous insult to struggling PAYE workers of the notorious VAT cut for burger barons and chicken chains. This year again, the Government’s priorities are skewed. Its budget may offer some concessions for investors, contractors and golfers, but it offers very little for PAYE workers and struggling households and hard-pressed children and families.

It does not have to be like this. Ireland is a country of unique opportunity. With the right political choices, we can develop the active state that Labour believes in, which takes responsibility for the welfare of its people. It would be one that can build homes, tackle poverty, address a cost-of-living crisis and provide public services that leave no one behind in health, whether in childcare, education or disability services. It would be a state that harnesses AI and new technologies to guarantee decency, equality and respect for all workers, and a state that takes the necessary climate actions, not just to bring down bills, but to secure a future for our children and our grandchildren as the world is burning. That is our Labour vision, and it is a future we can afford: a future for all and an Ireland for all.

Unfortunately, the Government has squandered that future and, in this underwhelming, short-sighted, short-term budget, we are seeing very little vision, no ambition and nothing for those who are struggling now in a cost-of-living and cost-of-energy crisis.

Despite providing for expenditure of €126 billion, €20 billion of which is capital, the Government's budget fails to address the key issues affecting workers and householders. Nowhere is the failure in Government policy more clear than in the area of housing, as evidenced by the €2.2 billion allocated for rent supports, the housing assistance payment and rental assistance scheme, and to pay for homeless accommodation. The fact is that none of that provides one brick or one trowel full of mortar. It is simply money that has gone down the tubes and that goes down the tubes every year.

The €3 billion for new affordable-to-buy, cost-rental and social housing allows for no increase in the number of new builds – not one additional home. The fact that we need to increase supply is a huge issue. Nothing has been done to slow down the galloping rent increases. The removal of the rent pressure zones in March has led to galloping rents and they need to be halted.

In the area of education, while there was a measly €150 annual reduction in fees, they went up by €500 last year, so there is an increase of €350. On class sizes at primary level, I do not see any detail in relation to a reduction.

In the area of energy, the 2% increase for the SEA for energy upgrades of homes will not keep up with construction inflation. Fewer homes will be done. There is no sign of an improved solar grant, which many of us called for and which I advocated for, particularly for households with incomes under €75,000. This is an easy win to reduce energy consumption and help middle- and low-income households.

There is no energy credit to help households with incomes under €75,000 that are in arrears. There are 330,000 households in serious arrears at the moment, and that situation will get worse.

Can I ask the Minister of State about the money for Ukraine? I have no problem with money for humanitarian purposes, but we have provided €670 million over the past four years and, in July, there was a further cheque written for €125 million. We were told €100 million of this is for non-lethal military equipment. I would like to know what that is. There has been no Dáil debate on it and no Dáil vote that I can remember. Who monitors what it is spent on, or are we really fuelling a brutal war here? As I said, I have no problem with humanitarian aid for Ukraine in light of the invasion by Russia, but we are supposed to be a neutral country.

In the area of healthcare, there is a substantial allocation of €29.1 billion and that is welcome, but there is no detail on improving delivery. For example, in dentistry there are problems with the dental treatment services scheme, public dentistry, the school scheme and the treatment benefit scheme. In Laois, two of those schemes have collapsed, and the school dental scheme is years behind in seeing children.

With regard to bed shortages and critical care, we have 289 beds per 100,000 population. The EU average is 511. There is a 40-bed unit planned for Portlaoise, but there is no money allocated for it. Given the growing population in the county, it needs to be delivered.

On mental health, we need substantial improvements because we are way behind in our spending in that area.

I would like to focus for a minute on local government. Rural roads are falling into disrepair due to the effects of climate change and the lack of basic maintenance because the cash is not there for the municipal district crews to carry it out. If we take Laois, and just take the local improvement scheme applications, we note there is a backlog of over 50, with no funding for them. That is just in one county.

In the budget overall, if we look at the gap between rich and poor, or between a person on the lowest income and someone on €125,000, we see that gap has increased slightly again, to €1,209 per week. It continues to widen.

On the tax changes, a couple on €150,000 per annum gains €22.32 per week. A couple with two children on €30,000 is in reverse. They are down €1.01. The figures are from an analysis by Social Justice Ireland economists.

Why did the Government not impose a tax on the assets of the vulture funds? Why did it not increase local property tax on second and third homes or put some charge on them? We have to make choices here. Why did it not increase the bank levy on banks' super-profits, end the tax breaks for corporate landlords, tax the super-rich or the super-profits of the energy companies, or introduce windfall taxes like Portugal has done?

Overall, the Government has failed on the big issues, namely housing, workers, taxation and healthcare.

The cost-of-living crisis is having the greatest impact on middle-income families, low-income families and social welfare recipients, and budget 2027 has failed these families and prioritised the golden circle of the rich and powerful in society. Last year, it was the burger barons and the big developers who got the golden handshake. This year, the reduction in capital gains tax from 33% to 31% handed almost €200 million to very wealthy landlords and property owners. These include the 11 Irish billionaires who are wealthier than 3. 5 million Irish people combined.

On housing, the budget shows that the Government is wedded to the failed housing policy of the past that has created almost 18,000 homeless people, including over 5,500 children. The talk of the Taoiseach, Tánaiste and various Ministers that housing is the Government's main priority is just that: talk. Private developers are interested in making profit, not in building houses for ordinary people. They never have built, nor will they ever build, enough houses for the population. We need an emergency programme for the construction of social and affordable houses by county councils on public land. What we got instead, of course, was more non-taxable income for landlords through garden sheds for rent, allowing landlords to receive up to €16,000 in non-taxable income for landlords, while tenants have no rights at all and landlords have no requirement to register with the Residential Tenancies Board, RTB.

There is no increase in the income limits for social housing. Current low limits condemn families to renting forevermore at exorbitant private rents. This is a large and increasing cohort of families who are just above the income limits but do not earn enough to be approved for a mortgage or, indeed, to save for a deposit. Some have been on the county council housing lists for years, only to be taken off because they slightly exceed the limits. These limits must be radically increased immediately. In fact, the Taoiseach promised to do that when I asked him about this some time ago.

On disabilities, the Before We Die campaign has described the budget as a betrayal of ageing parents. It has expressed “profound anger and despondency” following the announcement of budget 2027, warning the following: "The Government's allocation for residential disability care abandons thousands of ageing parents who face the terrifying prospect of dying without knowing who will care for their adult children." This budget maintains the crisis-first emergency residential system, reacting only when a parent or carer becomes unwell or dies. The campaign had asked for an emergency fund in budget 2027 for residential places. The Government did not provide it. It should have.

Last year, the Government made families supporting a person with a disability worse off by €1,400. This year, it had the opportunity to right that wrong with a weekly cost-of-disability payment. This weekly payment was recommended by various reports and by all involved in disability services. Disabled people, as the Minister knows, face extra costs of anything between €11,000 and €15,000 per year. Indeed, the Tánaiste himself said in the human rights strategy, that "access to the same services and supports as everybody else is the least disabled people can expect". The Government's answer is €500 as a lump sum. It is another broken promise, leaving people with disabilities €900 worse off over two budgets.

This budget does not include the urgent policies needed to meet its own child poverty targets. There are 200,000 children living in poverty in Ireland, and that is shameful in a country as rich as ours.

There are 200,000 children living in poverty in Ireland and that is shameful in a country as rich as ours.

There is no mention of an increase to child benefit and it has not been increased in ten years, nor is there any mention of a second tier of child benefit for poorer families, which would benefit large numbers of poor children. It should be done.

I welcome that the budget finally introduced a cost-of-disability payment, something I have been calling for since I was elected. Disabled people face significant additional costs and are at far greater risk of poverty. It has taken the Government too long to introduce the cost-of-disability payment. That said, the lump sum of €500 to be paid in March next year does not cut it. It is an insult because people with disabilities are already €1,400 worse off than they were this time last year with the removal of essential supports in last year's budget. A €500 lump sum does not even begin to cover disabled people's costs. They are worse off than they were last year. It is simply appalling. It is as though the Government is not listening. The Government said the payment will be made following the process of developing a payment. However, it was in negotiations with people. Disability organisations have already made it clear. The Government knew what they wanted and said and it did not listen. There should be a payment of €55 every week to cover the additional costs they face at a minimum.

I also welcome that childcare costs will be capped at €550, but, again, it does not go far enough. It is a far cry from the election promise of €200 per month. More than 1,500 children over the age of three in Donegal remain on waiting lists for childcare places due to ongoing staffing challenges, yet nothing has been done to address that. I welcome the allocation of 2,000 SNAs, but the budget does not seem to do anything to address the 996 teaching posts that are currently unfilled. More than 400,000 children are currently sitting in overcrowded classes that are in excess of the European Union average, which is 19 pupils per class. The Government continues to do nothing to address this, while it gets worse. That seems to be the pattern. Nothing ever comes down; it always goes up. The Government allocated just €491 million in additional expenditure to the Department of Children, Disability and Equality for public services, in comparison with the €871 million in additional expenditure allocated last year. It seems to be cut and there is a trend. One in ten children are deprived of basic necessities and 200,000 children are living below the poverty line in this day and age. Right now, 5,659 children are homeless and instead of trying to ramp up and help, the Government is scaling back.

The same has happened with public transport. The Government allocated public expenditure of €93.5 million in comparison with €282 million last year, which is nearly a 50% cut. Instead of ensuring citizens have access to affordable transport, the Government expects the public to foot the bill. Public transport fares will increase in January. In Donegal, where there is awful public transport, barely enough rural services to provide any help to the rural community, it is shocking. It shows again that Donegal is the forgotten county and priorities are not with the people in rural Ireland. It is no wonder that people are looking at emigrating because we cannot provide the public services we need. We need infrastructure and the Government keeps cutting places. Children and families are suffering. What does this tell us going into the future? We want to build a future for families, but with the way things are, the budget shows a real lack of respect for the working people of Ireland. The Government is deaf to it.

I know what the long-term plan is. It is that next year the budget will improve, as it will the following year and then the Government will buy the people. However, the people will be awake to it. They will learn because the Government has done absolutely nothing for the people of Ireland and it will continue in that way. It will only look after itself, not the people of Ireland.

The Government takes €29.70 per sq. ft from people who want to build their own home. That is not all it takes. What else does it do? These are people who are working. They go to work and to afford a home today, people have to be on the high rate of tax. They pay tax to qualify for a mortgage. They then qualify for a mortgage, which these days lasts 30 years, but they not only borrow the price of the house. They also have to borrow the taxation the Government is taking on the house. They are repaying the mortgage and an average mortgage now is between €400,000 and €500,000. The Government taxes people in fuel taxes while they are going to work. It taxes people coming home from work, while they are at work and now it will tax them while they sleep, for the next 30 years, while they put a house over their family's head.

I got a message today that has shaken me. It was from a person who will remain nameless. He said he is a father and, with his wife, has three children. He earns €1,200 per week and his wife also works. He said he pays big tax and they have a mortgage. Last year, with the rising costs of trying to get to work and pay their ESB bills, they had to get a credit card to put food on the table and the two of them are working. His children get food at school, which they say is not nice, but they know they have to eat it because of the family's tight circumstances. He said he does not know what to do and asked why the Government is so disconnected and why they look after people who are able to work, but do not, while they look after the vulnerable people who cannot work, and do not have an issue with that. He said he is now looking at an insurance policy that says he is worth more dead than alive, which might save his family. He is 30 years old. He asked if I could give any hope to him and his family.

The only hope I can give this person is the reason Independent Ireland was set up. I have been in business all my life. I have been on the road since I was 15. I have been educated by life. I have had many good people around me and I have learned hard lessons the hard way, but these hands, thank God, have been able to feed my family, build our house and give us security. Tomorrow, I will be using these hands again to try to support my family.

There are 11 in my house and I am a building contractor. We have only one hope. The reason Independent Ireland was set up in the first place was that we wanted people like that person who contacted me, community people, regardless of where they are employed. If they are community people, they have their communities at heart. If you work for your community, that means you work for everyone in your area. They are the people Independent Ireland want in government. That would ensure that the Government was governed properly by people of need. We want community people, whether urban or rural. We want community people with a business background. Regardless of their employment, we want business people and community people. That is what Independent Ireland is about. That is the only chance we have of rebuilding this country and putting people in charge who will not only challenge the Departments and make them accountable, but also bring in a business model for growth and one that works for people who are struggling, who work every hour that is given to them and who still cannot survive. They see people in this country who never wanted to work a day in their lives and who never will, people who are messing around with the system and who have never been investigated to determine why they say they cannot work even though they can. Many of the vulnerable people in this country, people with disabilities, are working. What did the Government do in the last budget? It took €1,400 off them. It then gave them back €500 in this budget.

If the Government was a business, it would be bust with all of the mistakes and poor decisions it is making. It is being advised by Departments but those officials are advisers; it is the Government that implements these things. If the advice Ministers are getting is not accurate and correct, they should man up or woman up, say it is wrong and the system is not working, get that official out of the Department and get someone in who will advise that Minister for the working people and the people who are at risk of homelessness at the moment, who are the working people in this country. It is the squeezed middle who are the worst off in this country. They qualify for nothing. They work every day they are given. They are our front-line workers. They are the people in our shops and in hospitality. These are people who are working every hour given to them.

That is the only hope I can give to anyone in this country. That hope has to stand with the 30% of people in rural Ireland who give out but who do not vote. They are keeping Government Members in their jobs. The 46% or 47% of people in urban Ireland who do not vote are also keeping these same people in here. They do the maths. I have a message for the people in this country who do not vote. The Government loves them. It actually thinks they are the best thing since sliced pan. They love them because those people do not vote and are going to secure Government TDs' jobs for the rest of their lives. What those in this country who do not vote, whether as a protest or otherwise, are doing is putting hardship on everyone in this country by allowing these Deputies to be elected.

The mood is changing now. It has taken years but the mood is changing. People who have voted these people in for years, decades or generations have seen the light. Although it has taken this, the things that happened over the last 12 months and the protests, they now see what these people are.

This is not only about the Government. These people are in our local authorities as well, where they stand up for the parties that are creating hardship. I ask the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael councillors across this country to make a stand for the people they were elected to represent. Regardless of the positions they hold, I ask them to stand up and make sure that these Ministers and backbenchers do not return to this House because they do not reflect the hardworking honest people of this country. The Government loves non-voters. If they want to keep hardship in this country, they should keep doing what they are doing and not vote, as they are part of the problem as well.

Blame the voters. That is a good start.

It is do-little all the time.

You are name-calling, Richard. That is all you know how to do.

Have respect for the Chair, Mr. Do-Little.

Just a second now. The Minister of State's side of the House has had its say. Deputy O'Donoghue was having his say. Would the Minister of State mind showing him a bit of respect?

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

Over the last ten years, this Dáil has become increasingly distanced from the people it is supposed to serve. On a range of different issues, the political establishment is completely disconnected from its citizens. For example, 80% of the population wants a stricter immigration system but the majority of TDs in here oppose it. The majority of people opposed the referendum to delete mothers from the Constitution but the majority of TDs supported it. The majority of people opposed the censorship of hate speech Bill but the majority of TDs supported it. The majority of people oppose gender ideology and yet the majority of TDs here support it. The majority of people oppose getting rid of Irish neutrality and the three-day wait for mothers and yet the majority of TDs in here are in support.

This budget is another example of the disconnect that exists between people and the TDs in here. The majority of people are desperately demanding a reduction in the excruciating cost of living in this country. They are asking the Government for practical solutions to the pain they are in. The costs of fuel, of energy and of running a car, van or tractor have been the single most important political issue in this country for the last seven or eight months. There are 320,000 households in the country that are currently in arrears with their electricity bills. Families feel they are being assaulted by the Government due to sky-high fuel prices. Are their lives today any different from their lives yesterday because of this budget? Is the price of petrol, diesel or agricultural diesel lower? Is the price of electricity lower today than it was yesterday? It is not. Incredibly, the Government has completely ignored the biggest burning issue facing the people of Ireland at the moment. I cannot understand how the Government is not getting this. Did it not see the country convulsed by protests for the last seven months? Did it not see the ports, the oil refineries and the streets that were blocked? Why has this not led to a result for those people in this budget?

Who is the Minister of State working for? Who pays his wages? Who is he legally, democratically, morally and constitutionally responsible for representing? Is it the EU? Does he represent the NGOs? Is he representing the ghost of the Green Party, which still seems to haunt Government policy on these issues two years after it was decimated? The Minister of State is democratically, legally, morally and constitutionally responsible to the citizens of Ireland. He is responsible to the mothers and fathers who are running their households and trying to pay for extremely dear commutes. He is responsible to the elderly, who are rationing fuel because of their inability to pay for more. He is responsible to the small business owners who have invested blood, sweat and tears in trying to keep their businesses going. What is the result? Of the €1,300 net gain for minimum wage workers, the vast majority is coming out of the pockets of small business owners. Only a token amount is coming from the Government. The biggest issues affecting the people of Ireland are being completely ignored by those in the political class who are paid a big salary to represent them.

We are in the jaws of a housing crisis, yet €50,000 in VAT is charged on every single home being built in this country. That charge makes it unaffordable for most people. It also results in a viability issue. Significant numbers of builders are unable to build houses in this country because it is not viable to do so but the Government's response is to add €50,000 in VAT to the cost of each home. Builders not being able to build during a housing crisis is akin to food being exported from a country undergoing famine.

It is absolutely crazy.

Other issues the Government has not focused on are issues of waste. In Aontú, we propose solutions to reduce the amount of money being spent on IPAS. We oppose the spending of military funding towards Ukraine. We want an audits of all of the NGOs, so that NGOs that are simply lobbying the Government or duplicating services would see their incomes cut. We want a reduction in administrative and in agency staff within the HSE and we want accountability injected into the system. Every year, hundreds of millions of euro are being spent in compensation through the State Claims Agency. That level of accountability would reduce that significantly and mean there is more money for income, infrastructure and services.

I welcome the progress that has been made and I want to highlight those areas again. The first is disabilities and the €500 cost-of-disability payment. The Independent TDs and myself fought hard for the measure and we are pleased to see that has been established. I would like to see more but, obviously, it is a step in the right direction. I would also like more targeted measures, especially for those with disabilities who are working as they sometimes feel excluded from benefits even though they are benefiting by working in terms of their dignity and mental health. I was speaking to some of them on the phone this morning and, sometimes, they feel they would be better off not working as they are excluded from this. I know there is a working group on a permanent cost of disability and I look forward to it reporting as quickly as possible. I have already contacted and spoken to people who are self-employed. They are asking that very question: why should their cost of disability disappear simply because they are working? It does not. The cost for them on transport, the medical equipment they need and on specialist equipment does not disappear just because they are working. The cost of adapting their home does not disappear. I welcome and thank the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, for the announcement regarding vehicle adaptations. It is in line with the rights those people with disabilities deserve. The long-term disability payment needs to be brought in as soon as possible.

As I am addressing the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, today, I will push for marine and nature-based solutions for flood defence and efficiency and looking at how concrete embedded with material that encourages marine life can dissipate wave energy and encourage the ecosystem. I would like if the money the Minister of State's Department got could be used to investigate nature-based solutions for flooding. We are coming into winter and we need to look at it now and to be proactive on it.

On the budget and the money allocated for artificial intelligence, we need to look at what is happening across the world with social media companies and to act now. The money provided to the national counter disinformation strategy and fact checking media is good but we could quickly push social media companies to do something. We are seeing AI-generated slop with the same script being pushed in countries to cause divisions in communities. I welcome that some social media companies are saying "this is AI-generated content" but they should also add the country of origin it is coming from. There are people with AI videos at protests causing division but we are not showing where the account that is posting that video is from or what deeper meaning or agenda is behind it, causing division in our society.

Anyone who comes to this country who is willing to contribute to this country is welcome. However, people's minds and opinions are being polluted with AI-generated slop from different countries, not from the country they are coming from. We need to look at this and put pressure on the social media companies. Some of them allow you to click on the profile and see the country of origin. I have been targeted by accounts saying they voted for me and when I clicked on the country of origin, it is India or Sri Lanka and I know they did not vote for me. We need to look at where these diversions are coming from, put that money to good use and show people they are being controlled or influenced by an agenda they need to be aware of. The small writing saying something is AI-generated is not enough. It needs to take up a third of a video as people are constantly on their phones and consuming media. People deserve to know where that media is from and if it is real. The EU AI Act already includes transparency obligations on this.

I welcome that platforms are already beginning to label AI-generated material but if a video is AI-generated, it should be clearly visible at the top. I have had constituents ringing about me AI-generated videos of senior politicians and of myself and asking me if they are real. AI is getting better. We need to be ahead of the game and show people what is real and what they can factually believe. I am not suggesting that somebody abroad should be prevented from commenting on Ireland. It is about transparency and allowing the people of Ireland to know where the information they are getting is coming from. It can improve if we do it right.

Since last night, the talk about this budget has been about the miserly increase that was given to old age people living alone. It is €3. You would not get a cup of tea for €3. You certainly would not get a cup of coffee. You cannot buy a bar of chocolate for it, or you certainly will not get much for it. It is shameful. It would have been better not to mention it all, or not say anything about it.

Consider what the Government has done in the past couple of years. A €2 billion loan was given to Ukraine in January of this year. That was on top of €670 million that was given in different ways. President Zelenskyy was given €125 million one day. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, went over with €40 million at the height of the protest. She gave it to Ukraine while the protests were happening here.

Every shilling and euro that is given to our own people has to be accounted for here. The day we came in here - Tuesday, 29 January - the agenda was changed from whatever it was to be and we were to debate becoming part of the EU fund of €90 billion for Ukraine. I tried as hard as I could to find out how much we would have to pay and how much our part of it would be. I could not find out that day and I am sure no one else found out because I even spoke here in the Chamber and asked to see how much was our part. I was told it was just 2%. Yet, 80 TDs came in here at the behest of the Taoiseach, Micheál Martin, and the Tánaiste, Deputy Harris, and they voted to be part of this fund without knowing that day. I know now that it was €2 billion.

We are talking about giving an extra €3 to someone living alone. Consider the cost of home heating oil. People's hopes had been built. They have not bought kerosene for the past couple of months because they were hoping the Government would do something because it said it would do something. What it has actually done is it has given them is €50 off a fill of oil that will cost €1,500. It has gone up from somewhere between €700 and €800 last year.

Day after day, we are begging the Government to do something on green diesel for the construction sector. The Taoiseach promised it last May. The Tánaiste promised it as well. The Minister, Deputy Heydon, said the Government was working on it. The Minister, Deputy O'Brien, respectfully told me the Government was working on it and yet nothing has come out in the budget. They were left behind on 5 May when others got payments. They have got nothing, zilch, yet. I am worried they will not get anything at all.

In case the Government does not know, the building of houses is going to slow down next year because there is less planning on the way. The other thing that we all have been crying for in places like Kerry is that people cannot build a house for themselves. There are two reasons for this. The first is they cannot get planning. The second is they cannot afford it.

Then there is the cost of rent. Normal going for rents now is €1,600. People cannot afford that. That is €400 a week. The people could get planning on their land but they are being forced into the market, driving up the price of housing inside in towns as well as all the other things.

I have nothing against the Ukrainian people. They are not wrong. It was the Government that was wrong. It was the Taoiseach who was wrong and gave all this money out at different times to Ukraine and he left his own here. The remains of it are to be seen. There is-----

I thank Deputy Healy-Rae and call Deputy Mattie McGrath.

-----€3 for a pensioner living alone. That is what he gave them.

We are here the day after the budget, what I describe as "the Fine Gael budget". Cá bhfuil Fianna Fáil? An bhfuil siad imithe completely? Is it completely gone. Its stamp is not on this.

The Government had the resources to be ambitious but instead opted for a series of modest measures that would be quickly swallowed up by the huge cost-of-living crisis. Despite record tax receipts and substantial budget surpluses, families, workers, pensioners, farmers and small business people will continue to experience financial pressures. There was little for everyone. Like the curate's egg, good in spots but very little for everyone, and kind of robbing Peter to pay Paul.

The cost of living, fuel and energy are just so expensive. Why does the Government have to take almost 50% out of every litre of petrol? All I wanted when this crisis arose with Iran was a cap so that we would have it at €1.70 for diesel and maybe €1.60 for petrol and the Government would cushion the rest out of its surpluses for the moment rather than giving back this in rebate schemes and all this baloney that is so difficult to traverse.

Fuel is not a luxury. It is a necessity for work, farming, business, education, healthcare appointments and daily life, particularly in rural Ireland.

Every increase in the cost of fuel drives up the cost of food and every other commodity. Despite repeated warnings from households, businesses and farming organisations, the Government failed to grasp control of these fuel costs and played into the hands of big business. Many working families will see any gains from the budget disappear like snow off a ditch.

One of the biggest disappointments in the budget was the failure to introduce a windfall tax. What has the Government against taxing the big people? Fianna Fáil used be a party of the daoine óga, of the small farmer, of the labouring working man and everybody else. Now it is beholden to Europe, to Ms von der Leyen, to the World Economic Forum and, above all, to the global capitals. In this case, a windfall tax should have been introduced, but the Government will not touch them. However, the Government does not mind putting its hand deep into the pockets of the ordinary working man and woman, but those ordinary working men and women are waking up to the Government and, by God, will it pay a price.

As to pensioners, an equal increase in social welfare payments and the living alone allowance are, of course, welcome, but they are miserly and a pittance when you see the cost of everything. Certainly, I have to welcome the extension of the bereavement grant. However, the money that they got was so, so little.

The carers were completely gobsmacked by what happened and the Government left them down in a bad way. One of the greatest concerns remains the thousands of ageing parents caring for adult children with disabilities while worrying about who will care for them when they are gone. That is an awful burden on most people.

The biggest challenge facing disability services is no longer simply funding, but staffing. We announced 4,000 places for special educational needs and, indeed, special needs assistants, SNAs. That is great, but we are not able to get them and we are not able to retain them. Education was poorly served by this budget.

Our basic, primary industry, which it always used to be and brought us out of three recessions, is agriculture. Overall, the Government is tinkering with schemes, moving money here and there. If you treated your farm animals, your stock or your crops like that, you would be a failure. The Government has less money in the budget for agriculture this year than it had last year and is mór an trua é sin. It is very serious with a Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, coming down the road that we do not know what kind of havoc it will be reek on us.

The Government is making contracts with farmers and they are going through all the hoops to sign up to schemes. Even as late as last September or August, they were told that the Government did not have money to pay for the straw scheme, yet the Minister found it some place else. It is robbing Peter to pay Paul again.

The basic problem here is this is our primary industry and if we have tough times, we are going to need produce. We are going to need food, and who is going to produce it? It will not be the people in the cities, but the farmers. The Minister, Deputy Heydon, has got a raw deal here. The Government has neglected agriculture.

Small business owners also got no break and they needed a VAT reduction to 15%. All the costs are on top of them - health and safety, the oil and fuel costs, energy costs, insurance, etc. - but the Government is giving them nothing. Fianna Fáil was the party of the small business, the small farmer and the working man but it has forgotten all about that in Micheál Martin's quest for a European stage and a worldwide tour. I do not know what he expects to be afterwards - something akin to the man above. He thinks he is God. He can walk on water but he will find out fast. When he walks Cork South-Central again, he will be on thin ice. Tá na daoine go léir ag fanacht-----

You should conclude.

-----le Fianna Fáil, and waiting for Micheál Martin because he has turned his back on the Irish people.

Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 3.46 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 4.45 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 3.46 p.m. and resumed at 4.45 p.m.

I will be sharing time with Government colleagues. I am pleased to be given the opportunity to set out the details of budget 2027 as it pertains to the Departments of Climate, Energy and the Environment and Transport.

First, from an overall budget perspective, this budget focuses on the cost of living and taking the pressure off workers and families. It will deliver significant tax reductions, thereby increasing that income for families and individuals by up to €1,500 per annum. The budget will help with the cost of energy and fuel support for people with disabilities, lower childcare costs and increases right the way across social protection and pensions. At the same time, it will support enterprise and economic growth, giving businesses the competence to invest, create jobs and strengthen our economy for our people. Effective management of our economy has and continues to bring benefits to our country. We now have over 2.8 million people working in Ireland, the highest since records began, and this Government will continue to prioritise jobs growth in our country.

The Department of Climate, Energy and the Environment is being allocated €1.28 billion in this budget to accelerate the transition to a secure, sustainable and affordable energy sector. This funding will allow my Department to continue to take climate action, reduce carbon emissions, improve energy efficiency, reduce the cost to businesses and households and facilitate the achievement of our national climate goals that are set out in the programme for Government. Government is acutely aware of energy affordability pressures, which have been exacerbated by the Middle East crisis. Last week, as colleagues will know, I hosted the EU energy ministers as part of the Irish Presidency, at which energy affordability across the bloc was a key area of discussion. This is a challenge facing all member states.

That is why here at home, we are taking action to help households and businesses with the cost of energy. Across Government, we have delivered a package of measures to help households and businesses with those costs, with a particular focus on those most vulnerable to the volatility of the price of imported fossil fuel. Enhancements to the fuel allowance, increases to the living alone allowance and the child support payment changes to the working family payment income threshold, as well as the new cost-of-disability payment, will all help support households most at risk of energy poverty. As colleagues will know, about a quarter of our households receive direct supports relating to fuel. The extension of the temporary excise cuts in 2027 and cuts to carbon tax on home heating oil and gas will help to ease the pressures on households and businesses facing higher costs as a result of the volatility of those energy markets.

An extension to the road transporters support scheme also provides additional support to help commercial transport operators offset high diesel costs. There has been a very substantial allocation for next year of over €950 million to the Department's energy transformation programme, with a record capital allocation of over €650 million for the SEAI energy upgrade scheme which will be further supplemented by the ERDF funding. The cross-government national energy affordability task force has been working intensively on the energy affordability action plan, which informed some of the changes made in this budget. That will be published shortly, and that group will stay and remain in place.

Measures that have been brought forward include enhanced grants to help households and businesses to reduce cost, including a new fossil fuel boiler scrappage scheme with a bonus of €2,000, meaning there is now €14,500 to transition to a heat pump or renewable heat system.

Grants of up to €9,000 are available for solar PV and battery systems for eligible households with fully funded battery and solar available under the warmer homes scheme and the medically vulnerable scheme. These are all effective immediately. We are also introducing grants for solar attic and cavity insulation for many social welfare recipients and those on housing assistance payments and the rental accommodation scheme. Under the warmer homes scheme, which protects those at the greatest risk of energy poverty, we have now delivered nearly 40,000 fully funded home upgrades. That is up from a figure of 3,000 in 2019.

The total number of homes retrofitted in this country is 290,000. This year alone, we have received 100,000 applications, which is already double the number of applications in 2025. That is because we have made these grant supports more accessible and people are responding to it. They are delivering tangible savings for families and individuals. For example, having a home battery energy storage system with solar PV will save you about €878 a year against the cost of your energy. Further upgrades, including window and door replacements and heat pumps, when installed as part of a home upgrade, can save homeowners over €1,100 per annum. I welcome the increase from €400 to €600 for the exemption from income tax for the microgeneration of electricity from renewable energy sources. We now have over 200,000 homes with solar PV installed, some 120,000 of which were supported through SEAI grants.

The budget also allows us to continue to take significant action on climate. An allocation of over €170 million will support local authority climate action.

I am pleased to announce the overall funding allocation of over €5.5 billion to the Department of Transport, which is an increase of over €840 million on the previous year. This demonstrates our commitment to delivering a transport system that is safe, sustainable, accessible and connected. Transport is not just about infrastructure. It is about people and about how we get to work, access education, attend healthcare appointments, connect with family and friends and participate fully in our communities. This allocation provides the resources needed to continue transforming our public transport network right across the country. The public service obligation is now over €1 billion, an 11% increase on the previous year. This will allow us to roll out a major expansion of new and enhanced services across the country. Approximately 140 new or enhanced routes will be delivered over the next year, an expansion of our public transport system that has not been seen in years. It is important to note that we have ensured the protection of about 1.5 million people who use public transport for free and are eligible for free or reduced fare travel.

Between the significant additional funding received through both the Department of Climate, Energy and the Environment and the Department of Transport, we are doing our level best to target the measures at those who need it most while continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure to ensure that our people have access to safe, affordable and frequent public transport. In conclusion, I welcome the €6 billion that has been allocated to MetroLink, which is a project that will be starting very shortly. That is €6 billion in funding between now and 2030.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to address the House about the total allocation of €1.298 billion to my Department in budget 2027 and to outline some of the measures that will support and develop the sectors for which I have responsibility. The sectors supported by the Department form part of Ireland's daily life, be it in turning on the radio to hear the news on the commute to work, attending or taking part in sporting or cultural events, or accessing high-speed broadband across the island of Ireland to communicate for work or business, stream a movie or take part in online gaming. These sectors help us to express who we are as a nation through the collective experience of the successes of our athletes, teams, musicians, artists and writers. The sectors under the aegis of my Department not only enhance our lives through mental and physical well-being but they also provide vital employment and a significant return to the taxpayers on the investment. They attract visitors to the island of Ireland to experience our culture.

In a world where global challenges can seem overwhelming, the work carried out by the Department and the bodies under its aegis is critical in raising spirits, creating a positive and vibrant cultural experience, providing ready access to online communication and ensuring dependable information through independent media. The current allocation for 2027 is €848 million. It provides for the full-year cost of the basic income for the arts scheme; increased funding for bodies including the Arts Council and Sport Ireland; and the funding to stage the Ryder Cup in 2027 and UEFA Euro 2028. It also includes continued support for the media sector.

The capital allocation to the Department in 2027 is €450 million. The reduction from the NDP allocation of €701 million in 2026 arises from the completion of the build-out stage of the national broadband plan. This was the most ambitious telecoms project in the history of the State and arguably the most significant since rural electrification for many parts of the country. This landmark project has entered its final stages on schedule and on budget. Next year's capital allocation will also allow for continued capital investment in local and regional sports facilities, our national cultural institutions, arts centres and the national sports campus, as well as the development of a new public warning system.

In relation to broadcast media, I have maintained overall funding at the existing 2026 levels as we seek to consolidate the significant increases in funding which our public service broadcasters and the wider media have benefited from over the last number of years. For RTÉ agus TG4, the past number of years have seen significant increased levels of public funding. In 2021, when the Future of Media Commission report was published, RTÉ's funding amounted to €196 million. For RTÉ, the 2027 allocation in public funding will be €240 million. This is made up of €66 million in direct Exchequer support and €174 million in projected licence fee collections. The overall funding is less than envisaged by the Government in 2024. However, the sum available reflects the overall funding available to other Departments. It is also in the context of progress made by RTÉ in the delivery of its strategy. While progress has been made across a number of issues, I am not happy that we have seen sufficient progress in delivering the smaller, more agile organisation that was to be delivered. Under the strategy, RTÉ sought to reduce staff by up to 20% between 2025 and 2029. The reduction in staffing is pivotal to the RTÉ strategy to transform to a more streamlined and agile workforce and transition to increase investment in independent productions. I intend to update the Government shortly on the delivery of the RTÉ reform programme, including on progress made and what is yet to be achieved. I will also update the Government on proposed reforms to licence fee collection and set the scene for funding beyond 2027. The Government will keep the issue of the resources needed by RTÉ under review.

More generally, over the past six years, supports for the wider media sector have also grown, with a 50% increase in funding to €34 million. Supports have been broadened from TV and radio to now cover public interest journalism and digital transformation across the wider media. I am pleased to confirm that all of these supports are continuing for the year ahead.

The provision of €412 million for the arts and culture programme will allow for the continued development of Ireland's artistic and creative strengths and talents at home and abroad. The permanent basic income for the arts scheme, which I announced this year, will have full support for 2027 at €34.4 million. This scheme is the envy of the world and it was a priority for me to bring it in on a permanent basis after the conclusion of the pilot. An independent cost-benefit analysis on the pilot published last year shows the economic benefits of the scheme and in particular the benefits to artists' well-being and the greater freedom that they have to create a new art.

I am allocating an additional €3.8 million to the national cultural institutions. These institutions currently welcome over 4 million visitors annually. This will address a number of needs across the institutions and also serve to increase education, learning and outreach programmes. Having delivered the cultural programme for Ireland's Presidency of the European Union, Culture Ireland has been allocated €8.8 million in 2027 to help to develop and sustain Ireland's artists. It will support the staging of the Canada-Ireland 180 initiative, a major 2027 cultural event marking 180 years since mass migration from Ireland to Canada.

I am pleased to set out the significant investments we are making in budget 2027 across the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department of Defence. While these two Departments have different responsibilities, they share an important purpose. They are about Ireland's place in the world. They are about how we support and protect our people, how we promote our interests and our values internationally, how we contribute to peace, security and development, and how we prepare our country with confidence for the opportunities and the challenges ahead.

Our influence in the world comes from the relationships we build, the values we uphold and the practical contributions we make to addressing some of the great global challenges of our time. Since 2020, the Government has increased the allocation for Irish Aid and we are continuing that commitment this year. The Department's overseas development aid budget will increase to €855 million, an increase of €14 million on the funding announced last year. With this, we will maintain our focus on tackling global poverty, particularly in Africa. We will support vital humanitarian assistance in Palestine, Ukraine and Sudan, and we will continue to show leadership on food security and nutrition, particularly at a time when conflict and extreme weather are putting millions of people at risk.

We will also continue to put human rights and gender equality at the heart of Ireland's development programme. Last month in New York, I co-hosted an event with the Malala Fund focused on the appalling situation facing women and girls in Afghanistan. Today, I can announce that we are providing €3 million for programmes supporting women and girls in Afghanistan, with specifically €2 million focused on girls' education.

Closer to home, we are continuing to invest in peace and reconciliation on this island. We know the importance of civil society organisations working on the ground, supporting communities, building relationships and helping to sustain the peace that has been so hard won. We are increasing the Department's reconciliation fund by €1 million, bringing total funding to more than €11 million for next year. The projects supported by this span a wide range of communities. As the events of the last week have shown, the work to build trust and strengthen partnerships continues to be vitally important.

We are also investing in our relationships with the Irish diaspora. In this area, which the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, will outline in more detail, our international development and our diaspora play a particularly important role. Irish communities are an enormously important part of our national story, and so, working through hundreds of organisations, the immigrant support programme supports vulnerable and under-represented people. Budget 2027 provides an additional €2 million, bringing the overall support programme to €19.5 million, which is its highest ever level.

As Ireland responds to a more uncertain global trading environment, we must also invest in our economic partnerships. The Government's action plan on market diversification and the sports diplomacy strategy have received an additional €1.2 million to make sure that we help Irish businesses to broaden their reach and develop new markets, and that we strengthen our international, economic and cultural relationships.

Of course we are investing in the Department's most important service for Irish citizens, namely, our passport service. We expect demand to increase by 25% next year. Thanks to significant reforms, improvements in recent years, as well as additional funding this year, we will ensure the service is prepared to meet the additional demand that we expect next year.

As Minister for Defence, I am determined that Ireland's response to change is to approach it with confidence, ambition and a serious investment in our future. That starts with our people. That is why people and our Defence Forces personnel are at the heart of our defence investment for budget 2027. We are providing funding for a net increase of 400 permanent Defence Forces personnel, including specialist roles, bringing funded strength of up to 8,300 personnel by the end of next year. I believe there are reasons to be optimistic. Last year saw more than 16,500 applications to join. By August of this year, there were 14,000 applications. That tells us that there are thousands of people across this country who are interested in serving and who see the value of a career in the Defence Forces. We want to turn that interest into new recruits and that is why we want to make sure that this budget provides specifically for them. There will be €3 million more to progress our recruitment campaigns. We are providing up to 100 additional civilian and civil service roles across defence. We are budgeting an additional €3 million for the healthcare needs of our Defence Forces personnel, and we will continue through this budget to invest in accommodation, training, maintenance and operational facilities in Defence Forces installations across the country. We will support the implementation of the Reserve Defence Force regeneration plan, including the expansion of the Naval Service Reserve and the establishment of an Air Corps reserve.

Our clear ambition is to grow our Defence Forces and to give our people the support, equipment and facilities they need to serve Ireland. We are backing that ambition with significant investment, with our capital investment in defence next year the highest ever in any one given year at €340 million, which is an increase of 13.3%. This will allow us to continue the modernisation of the Defence Forces across land, air, sea and cyber. It means investment in our radar capability programme. It means replacement helicopters. It means modern communications, force protection, cyber capability and modern equipment for people serving in our Defence Forces. It is also about building the Defence Forces that Ireland needs for the future.

I want to place particular emphasis today on strengthening our maritime security, which is a priority for this Government. Our seas are fundamental to our economy, our connectivity and our security. The nature of the threats that we face is changing. Through this budget, we will continue the implementation of the maritime security strategy and its action plan. We will operationalise access to the EU's common information-sharing environment, increasing our maritime awareness through intelligence gathering and information sharing. We will continue our maritime security research programme, bringing together expertise in areas including maritime cybersecurity surveillance, energy security and maritime domain awareness. We will achieve the initial operating capability of towed array sonar on our Naval Service vessels as part of the wider subsea domain awareness programme, and we will introduce counter-drone capabilities on our Naval Service vessels. We will continue investing in the infrastructure that our Naval Service needs. That includes the continued revitalisation of the naval base, with a major dredging project costing more than €6 million to be completed next year.

We are also strengthening our international relationships with new defence attachés, three of whom I met today, from London, Paris and Washington, where they will provide further opportunities to deepen that collaboration with key partners, including on maritime security. This is a long-term commitment to rebuilding and to strengthening Ireland's maritime capability. Our investment in resilience does not stop at our coastline. Budget 2027 will further enhance our cyber capabilities, supporting the work of the joint cyber operations unit. It will provide additional investment in national resilience, emergency planning and preparedness. In particular, it will provide a significant increase for our Civil Defence; support its wonderful volunteers; expand its capacity; strengthen its vehicle fleet, particularly for responding to severe weather events; and support the over 3,000 different capabilities or missions that it has. These investments are about being ready, recognising that the world around us is changing, and making sure that Ireland is prepared to respond.

I am glad to be here today to discuss the budget allocation for sport. As everyone in the House will agree, it is very hard to quantify the impact of sport and the joy it brings to our communities across the country. Over the past year, we have seen Troy Parrott's miracle of Budapest, Mayo's long-awaited all-Ireland success in Croke Park and Mark English, who is from my county of Donegal, winning a European 800 m gold medal. Sport unites communities and brings people together from different backgrounds and beliefs under a single shared passion. From a Government point of view, it is something we value very dearly. That is once again reflected in the very strong budget of just over €302 million we have allocated for the sports programme in budget 2027.

The allocation for Sport Ireland is just under €165 million. Of that, €122 million is current funding, which is a 6.3% increase overall for Sport Ireland and the key programmes. Within that, we have €1 million ring-fenced for hurling and camogie games development. That is something we commenced last year and are building on again this year to see hurling and camogie brought across the country as our national signature game, and to try to ensure it is strengthened. We have also allocated a €1 million increase in funding to the Gaelic Players Association, to support our intercounty Gaelic games players, and €1 million in additional funding for the League of Ireland football academies project, bringing the total funding for that project to €4 million. I said last year when we announced the €3 million funding for the football academies that it was a vote of confidence in football in this country. That vote of confidence has been justified and has been rewarded in terms of the work we are seeing with our League of Ireland academies across the country. We are once again building on that now with an additional allocation, making a total of €4 million allocated for that next year.

We have also allocated an increase of 5.3% for our national sporting bodies, our national governing bodies of sport and our local sports partnerships in counties across the country. That 5.3% will ensure they are supported for the massive work they do in building participation rates across the country, and taking that through all the way to high performance and excellence. We are increasing and allocating 5.3% to the high performance funding within Sport Ireland to bring us towards the Los Angeles Olympic Games. There is also €500,000 ring-fenced for the IRFU to work with it on the great work it is doing in building women's and girls' rugby development across the country. That is something we want to support. There is also €3.4 million in capital funding for the national sports campus and towards the national velodrome, the national badminton centre and the national cricket centre, and we will continue to build on that work over the course of the year ahead.

This is a good budget that realises that many people around this country are facing very real challenges. Not only is the Government able to respond to those challenges in the here-and-now, but we are able to do so in a way that does not jeopardise or mortgage the future of the next generation. I appreciate that at a time when people are wondering about the cost of filling a tank of oil or whether they will be able to put diesel in the car or afford the weekly shop, which are real concerns, they are asking, quite understandably, why the Government is spending €14 million extra on international development. There are two very clear reasons. First, it is the right thing to do. When we see the abject levels of poverty and deprivation in the global south, we know we have a proud tradition in this country of development going back to Irish Aid, which was set up by Dr. Garret FitzGerald in 1974, and to our rich history of missionary and development work. Second, and crucially, it is in our interests. All the issues that we talk about here on a daily basis, and that come to our constituency office, such as the rising cost of fuel, food security, irregular mass migration, spread of disease and extremism, stem from global insecurity. The way we address that global insecurity at source is through a proper international development programme.

I am proud that last year, Ireland was one of just two EU member states to increase its development budget. We are the first so far to indicate that we will increase ours. That is a testament to the 76% of Irish people who are in favour of ODA.

As the Minister, Deputy McEntee outlined, we have also budgeted a €2 million increase to the emigrant support programme. This goes to organisations and groups who work with the most vulnerable Irish people, including those who were unfortunately forced to leave these shores for economic and societal reasons many years ago and now find themselves facing very real economic and societal hardship and, in many cases, real concern about immigration status. We will support those groups while also promoting the very best of Irish culture and bringing together Irish business groups from around the world who want not only to invest in and trade with their home country but also to make sure the next generation of Irish people who may move abroad have a really, good warm welcome abroad and, more importantly, are in a position to move home in due course.

Before the Minister of State leaves, I want to acknowledge the increase in the emigrant support fund. I saw its impact myself over at the Coventry Irish Society. Fair play to the Minister of State for giving some extra resources to them. They do such great work in the west midlands.

Budget 2027 was billed as a budget for working people, however. It was going to help households with the cost of living, tackle the housing crisis and prepare Ireland for the future. Hope was on the way. When we strip away the spin, there was only what people have come to expect from this Government: the same old promises and the same old failures. We have record surpluses and resources, but we also have record rents, house prices and housing costs, and some of the highest electricity bills in Europe. If we have never had so much money, how come so many households are struggling? For the second year in a row, 1.5 million workers have been left behind. The Government wants people to celebrate a tax package that is worth, in effect, €250 for the year or about €5 per week. It is not even enough to cover the recent commuter fare hikes. The cost of energy, rents and groceries are soaring. This is not a budget that makes housing affordable, tackles other priorities such as the energy rip-off or makes people feel like we are turning a corner. It confirms that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael will throw workers and families under the bus to satisfy the corporate bottom line. The cynic in me says that they are not giving much in this budget or next year's, but that before the next election, there will be more given away to buy the next election.

When it comes to energy, we are paying the highest prices in Europe, enduring years of increasing bills while the energy companies have posted enormous profits. Another budget and another year of the same with no real plan to tackle the energy rip-off. The Government boasts about a package which is worth a few euro a week but what is the value of that when we are being hammered by electricity bills? The Government is patting itself on the back but there is round after round, with customers of ESB, SSE Airtricity and Electric Ireland customers seeing energy prices rise. Households are absorbing all of those increases while the Government is sitting back and waiting, and there are no energy credits. This is the reality of the so-called cost-of-living response, which was a priority for the electorate. The Government has failed to get a grip on energy costs. Where is the cheaper energy that should have been provided? Where are the retrofits and heat pumps? The Government is way short of its own targets. Where is the offshore wind revolution? There will not be a blade wet for about ten years. Ireland remains exposed to volatile gas markets.

The Government did have choices in this budget. It could have reintroduced energy credits, imposed a windfall tax on excess energy profits, forced data centres to pay their fair share for the enormous strain they are placing on the grid, or accelerated renewable energy delivery to tackle the root cost of high prices. Instead, the data centres, energy companies and large investors breathed a sigh of relief while families struggling with energy bills, commuters, students and public sector workers sweat it out.

In a Government budget that has disappointed and failed to deliver for the vast majority of people, the budget that the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan presented for culture, communications and sport this year is the biggest disappointment to those for whom it is relevant, and the biggest failure to deliver. Last year the Department presented a budget of €1.5 billion and this year the package is only €1.3 billion. The details are so sparse, we do not exactly know where the downfall will be. When will it become apparent which cultural and sporting bodies are facing cuts to their budgets, or the impact on core funding for national governing bodies to run programmes on the ground?

Everybody knows the League of Ireland is my grá and I wholeheartedly welcome the increased funding for the League of Ireland academies. However, my and Sinn Féin's focus is to deliver for all sports in every corner of the State. That is why we provided €50 million over and above what the Government would spend every year in the large-scale sports infrastructure fund, LSSIF, in our alternative budget. Some of the approved projects have been sitting there since 2018, with nine construction projects approved under the 2018 programmes yet to commence, not to mention most from the 2024 round. This is delivery at a snail's pace by a Government where sport is an afterthought, unless of course there is a photo opportunity.

If ever there was a scheme that rang alarm bells for sectoral investment, the unprecedented demand for the large-scale sports infrastructure fund in 2024, with applications across multiple sports totalling €665 million, should have been a wake-up call to the Government. With our additional €0.25 billion funding in a Dáil term, Sinn Féin would clear the LSSIF backlog and open a new round that would be actioned - not endless announcements but actual sports infrastructure being delivered, allowing sport to grow and thrive, and enhancing and enshrining participation for generations to come. As the old saying goes, "Build it, and they will come".

The Minister, Deputy O'Donovan's promised culture card, which was a cheaper, pale imitation of Sinn Féin's leisure card scheme that we launched two years ago, was not delivered. It was the only thing that got him positive headlines in the past two weeks and he could not even get it over the line. Maybe storming out of budget meetings with Government partners is not the way to do things. In our alternative budget, we have allocated to €15 million to show that we could commence the roll-out of an activity card scheme, providing €130 worth of free after-school sports, arts and cultural activity starting with junior and senior infants. More money would be on the card and more activities, including sports, would be available. Budget 2027 has an overall theme of leaving young people and families behind. Sadly it is no different here, under the collective remit of the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan and the Minister of State, Deputy McConalogue. They are still burying their heads in the sand when it comes to dealing with the TV licence. They are clapping themselves on the back for investing in the basic income for artists scheme but the reality is that thousands of people are being left disappointed. The money is not there to cope with the demand and those who applied in May are still facing uncertainty as to whether they will be approved. The Ministers are leading people down the fairy trail with broken promises relating to their supposed culture card.

There was an open goal to deliver for the protection and longevity of sport, by seriously investing in sporting infrastructure. Once again, the Ministers missed the net. The Department's press conference at 3 o'clock was overshadowed by the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan's press statements, interactions with Government colleagues, his power plays with the junior Minister regarding who is the actual gaffer, and his suitability for the position of Minister. The focus should have been on the Ministers' failure to deliver a vibrant budget for culture, communications and sport. All they have done is hit the crossbar and miss targets, deliverables and opportunities.

Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael's budget yesterday was quite the achievement. They somehow managed to fail ordinary workers and families from the cradle to the grave. It is welcome that costs for families have been reduced but childcare costs would already be €10 per day if the Government had implemented Sinn Féin's plan, which was published more than two years ago. The Ministers act as if third level fees of €2,350 are a thing to be celebrated. In reality, they simply charged more last year only to give €150 back this year. Parents and students see through the Tánaiste's bogus budget strokes. The carbon tax reduction on home heating oil is sufficient only to address the price increases of the past week, and the Government failed to support people heating their homes across the board as there were no energy credits. Having left people with disabilities €1,400 worse off last year, the Government offers just crumbs from the table at €10 per week, the same meagre offering it made to our pensioners.

Our farmers, the closest thing we have to heavy industry, got nothing on green diesel or rebate allocation in 2027, which is €61 million down on the current expenditure. Are we to trust the Government to protect the CAP? There is an insufficient 79 cent increase on the minimum wage yet insufficient support for small to medium-sized businesses that are struggling to stay open. Movement on the USC is a far cry from the Tánaiste's party's pledge to abolish it, which has been unfulfilled for a full decade. This budget is some achievement in failing the people. The Government has failed bitterly through this budget and through the serial waste of taxpayers' money. There is no accountability in Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael in government. I see it weekly between bike sheds, children's hospitals and endless IT projects. I see the waste of public money weekly at the Committee of Public Accounts. The taxpayer is not getting value for money.

Sinn Féin's alternative budget outlined a different path: €10-a-day childcare; reducing and working on abolishing third level fees; USC abolished on the first €40,000 for all; an increase of €1.10 in the minimum wage alongside a €250 million PRSI rebate for businesses that are struggling to keep the doors open; €400 energy credits for families; a real payment to address the cost of disability; a €15 increase in pension payments; and enhancing and safeguarding CAP.

That is what the Government could have done. It might think that people have things too good, but after this budget I am more convinced than ever that the Government's days in government are well and truly numbered.

Maybe after the recent spat following the announcement of sports capital grants, the Minister of State, Deputy McConalogue, could use some of that money to argue for the inclusion of a new sport in the Olympics in 2028, that of kite flying, given the Department he is in. Maybe he could also send over the senior Minister.

The prize for best line of the day anyway.

He might enjoy that one. Kite flying happened and there were nice glossy announcements. I remember the TikTok picture of Deputy Cleere dancing like a DJ and celebrating the announcement of the €100 culture voucher. Where is it now? I do not see the Deputy in here praising it because it does not exist. In some ways, the Government managed to build up people's hopes and then dash them and make promises disappear. Perhaps we could bring magicians into the Olympics. Some large sporting festivals here had that in the past.

The Government has managed to slash €5 million from the arts and culture capital grant, €5 million from the Gaeltacht capital budget and a fifth from the heritage capital budget, when built heritage is in need of protection and should not, like Moore Street, be left to decay or be demolished. The Minister, Deputy O'Donovan, said at a press conference that he might need to step on people's toes. He has already done that. He stepped on artists' toes and those who are crying out for arts spaces. He stepped on the toes of young people who thought they would have a culture card. As others have said, it is a watered-down version of our budget. These things were announced but never happened.

Maidir leis an nGaeilge, tá a lán nár tharla chomh maith. Tá sé cosúil go bhfuil an mhéar fhada lárnach á léiriú don phobal teanga. Ní raibh euro breise ar bith ón Aire, an Teachta O’Donovan, do TG4. Ní raibh euro breise ar bith ón Aire, an Teachta Naughton, don Ghaeloideachas. Ní raibh ach pinginí ag teacht ón Aire, an Teachta Calleary, don Ghaeltacht. Mar a dúirt Conradh na Gaeilge, is é seo an t-ardú is lú in aon cháinaisnéis le dhá Rialtas anuas. Mo náire sibh.

The Minister has left me somewhat astonished by how the Government has managed to spend so much money yet achieve so little for hard-working families across the State. It really is something to behold. When the Minister made a commitment in the run-up to the last budget to reduce childcare costs to €200 a month, that was our plan and the Government was welcome to take it and more than welcome to implement it, but it did not do so. I now have parents in Longford-Westmeath who are not only struggling to find childcare places but are put to the pin of their collar trying to pay for those places every single month. They believed the Government. They wanted it to do this. They would have been grateful if the Government had implemented something.

Regarding those who come through my door in desperate need of affordable housing, I do not see anything in the budget in respect of additional capital. I do not know how I will go back and explain that to my constituents. I am not even in government; I am in opposition. I do not know how members of Government will go back and explain that to their constituents. Regarding older people who come through my office doors, how is an increase of €3 per week in the living alone allowance justified? It is literally the price of a packet of firelighters. You would not even get a cup of tea or coffee in a local café for that price.

Some 700,000 households rely on home heating oil. What the Government has done for them is bordering on insulting considering the amount they are paying in additional money this year to fill a tank of oil. All the families who have been waiting for the Government to do something in the budget - Lord knows, it indicated often enough that it would do something meaningful for them - are looking at empty oil tanks in their back gardens. The Government has come forward with a pittance while it is still handing over millions and millions of euro to developers.

I genuinely do not know how the Government members will go back, look the people who elected them to this House in the eye and justify what they have done. I do not know how they will have that conversation with disabled constituents, whom the Government has left high and dry and threw under a bus last year in the budget. The Government has come out with something that is disconnected from the financial realities of the cost of living with a disability.

I wish the members of Government luck. I would not like to be in their position going back to their communities to try to explain what it is they have done. I think they will need every ounce of luck.

I would like to begin by giving my overall reaction to the budget. I truly believe the budget lacks the infrastructure we need to deliver the transformative change we need in this country, in particular given that there are 17,000 people who are homeless and will remain so throughout next year because the budget does not deliver enough for them. Some 400,000 children are being taught in overcrowded classrooms. There are a million people on hospital waiting lists, including a young man in my constituency who has told me he has been in pain, waiting three years for knee surgery. He cannot hold down a job because he cannot stand for long enough due to his knee. Nothing in the budget will transform those people's lives. That is my overall reaction to the budget.

I listened to the Taoiseach's speech earlier and was depressed afterwards. The immaturity from the Taoiseach regarding the budget and the Opposition's comments on it worried me. The Taoiseach said the Opposition appears to believe the economy and employment are irrelevant and has no policies beyond demanding dramatically more spending. The Taoiseach completely dismissed any concerns we have. I fundamentally think the economy is crucially important. Employment is crucially important, but it is about what kind of economy, society and sustainable growth - green growth or growth in a circular economy - we want. We fundamentally care about these issues, but the leader of the Government has come out with remarks that the Government will certainly not be adopting the Opposition's demand that we rip up all restraints and spend everything now, as if that is a message we are sending to him.

He said that, in spite of a number of opportunities, it is remarkable how rarely the Opposition ever mentions economic growth, and that it never does. The Taoiseach is clearly lying on the floor of the Dáil when he says the Opposition never mentions economic growth. It is plain and simple misleading lies from the Taoiseach about the Opposition and our approach. It is a kind of immaturity in politics.. We are getting it from the top, that is, the Taoiseach, in that there is an attitude that the Opposition has no ideas, solutions or policies and can be dismissed. The citizens of this Republic deserve better than that.

We need maturity in our politics. We need to be able to acknowledge when the Government does well. The Government needs to be able to acknowledge when the Opposition puts forward reasonable critiques, ideas and solutions. I ask the Taoiseach and Government to reflect on those kinds of simplistic remarks that may have been grand during Bertie's government of the 1990s but certainly do not stand up today. I urge the Taoiseach to reflect on some of his remarks.

I welcome some of the changes that were made, including the expansion of the contraception scheme. We would have gone further but welcome the changes. The health committee discussed the shingles vaccine, and I welcome the changes there. In terms of the expansion of counselling home supports, there are things in this budget that are welcome. As I said, it is not delivering the kind of transformative change we need.

Regarding Sláintecare, we are not going far enough in terms of reducing out-of-pocket costs. There is no change to the medical card or drug payment scheme or expansion of free GP care, something the Social Democrats have put forward. We had a 20-point plan in the Dáil on how to reform GP care, expand access and increase capacity. There is nothing in the budget to do that, despite proposals from the Opposition and the Taoiseach saying we have no ideas.

I have some concerns that I want to flag in the time available to me. Some of the current issues in health are not addressed by the budget.

The DOMINO scheme in Cork University Hospital, CUH, has been significantly curtailed as a result of 80 nursing and midwifery vacancies. Newly qualified nurses in Cork and Galway are not getting posts despite being trained and invested in by the State.

I will read two headlines from today’s edition of The Echo in Cork. The first is, "Almost 100 patients in limbo after melanoma screening services paused at CUH", while the second headline reads, "More than 1,000 people on trolleys at Cork University Hospital last month". A headline from RTÉ also details concerns on the closure of a diabetes clinic in Mullingar. We have all of these issues that need to be addressed.

One issue that Deputy Quaide and I have been raising but has not been addressed is that of healthcare workers with long Covid. There is nothing in this budget for them. There is a real crisis in this regard and a solution is needed. A small number of workers are affected, one of whom travelled from the midlands to my clinic in Cork two weeks ago. She is a single mother living alone with her son. Her payments are going to be cut off in two weeks’ time. She is going to be left on the disability allowance of €254 per week. She has a mortgage of €800 and will be plunged into poverty. She says that she has gone from the front line to the breadline because of the decisions of the Government. She got Covid in January 2021 after the Government’s "meaningful Christmas" and has been left abandoned. We need a solution. It is a small group of workers in question. Please act.

Across the country, families are paying the price for years of political failure to resource disability services properly. Parents in their 70s and 80s are still providing round-the-clock support. Children wait years for therapies. Adults who want to live independently are denied personal assistance. Families struggle on with little or no respite. Too often, the State waits until a family reaches breaking point before it steps in, which is usually at a far greater cost than if support had been provided earlier. Too much disability funding is still front-loaded into costly crisis placements, which are increasingly provided by private companies developing services according to commercial opportunity rather than planned community need. Supports that could sustain people to live at home are crudely rationed and then huge sums are found when crisis hits.

The Government led in its budget announcement yesterday with 489 additional residential care packages, but that number includes children, adults and people moving from nursing homes and institutional settings. While those transitions are badly needed, this announcement does not represent 489 new homes for people awaiting residential support. According to the Department’s breakdown, there will be 212 new placements, including 100 planned placements and 112 urgent placements, along with other enhanced supports.

In May, families packed the Clayton Hotel Silver Springs in Cork for a public meeting of the Before We Die campaign. They mobilised again in huge numbers at the Helix in Dublin two weeks ago. More than 2,000 adults with an intellectual disability live with parents aged over 70, and some 500 live with parents over 80. These parents have spent decades caring for their sons and daughters and fighting for therapies, school places and respite. They are asking the Minister, Deputy Foley, where their sons and daughters will live and who will support them when they are gone. They have gone on radio and television and come into Leinster House in this regard. They have met Ministers and the Taoiseach. They have spoken publicly about their private anguish and uncertainty. After all that, however, this budget provides 100 planned new residential places. Many of these families are asking what more they can be expected to do to get an adequate response from the Government.

The current system is inhumane and chaotic. A family reaches breaking point, the HSE scrambles for a placement and a disabled person can end up far from home, effectively exiled from their community, sometimes at extraordinary financial cost to the State. There is no leadership or forward planning. Thousands of families are being denied basic peace of mind about the future.

The €500 one-off, cost-of-disability payment announced yesterday also falls miserably short of the unavoidable financial burden of living with a disability. The payment of €500 equates to €9.62 per week. Earlier this year, I raised the case of a disabled woman who had to stop home dialysis because she could no longer afford the energy bills. She returned to hospital dialysis, which meant less independence, more arduous treatment and greater financial cost to the State. We proposed a permanent cost-of-disability payment of €40 per week to be built on over subsequent budgets.

While the Government has increased the carer’s allowance income disregard, the means test remains. People can give up years of work and financial independence to provide full-time care while entitlements still depend on what their spouses or partners earn. It is grossly unfair to treat people who are doing the State an enormous service as if they are charity cases.

The Government has announced 57,000 additional personal assistance hours, but multiples of that are needed. A personal assistant can be the difference between someone working, studying and participating in their community or depending on family for daily support.

Disability supports do not begin and end with the disability budget. What happens in the wider health service has a huge impact on disabled people and their families. In the roll-out of the ill-fated progressing disability model of service, large numbers of children whose needs were deemed non-complex were redirected into primary care, which remains drastically under-resourced. Last year, a parliamentary question I submitted identified a child waiting 13 and a half years for primary care psychology in what was supposed to be an early intervention service. When I followed up this year, the longest psychology wait was still more than ten years. There were waits of almost ten years for occupational therapy, more than six and a half years for physiotherapy, and almost five and a half years for speech and language therapy.

The Minister, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, has refused to commit to population-based staffing targets for primary care services. When a child is waiting five, six or ten years for an early intervention service, that service may as well not exist for the child. Essentially, it is a phantom service. A failure to rebuild primary care will deepen pressure on disabled families and specialist disability services.

I welcome the Government’s reduction of the wage subsidy scheme threshold from 15 hours to eight. We would go further by restoring the subsidy to 70% of the national minimum wage, protecting key secondary benefits-----

The Deputy should conclude.

-----when disabled people take up work and funding a €5 million disabled entrepreneurship and self-employment fund.

I call the Minister, Jennifer Carroll MacNeill.

As I walked into the Chamber, I heard the Opposition spokesperson and Cathaoirleach of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Health, Deputy Rice, describe the Taoiseach as speaking lies when he challenged some of the rhetoric around the Opposition analysis of the budget-----

No, he said we never mentioned economic growth.

The Minister without interruption.

Sorry, but that is precisely what the Deputy said and I am entitled to defend the Taoiseach and the wider Government. The Deputy is the Oireachtas health committee's Chair. Shortly after that, he described today’s headlines as part of his budget analysis on what the health spend could and should be. He comes from a region where we opened a surgical hub last week, which is staffed and ready to service patients. He has articulated challenges in the delivery of health services arising from what he says are vacancies. Notwithstanding that, he is the Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Health, which will question me about maintaining budgets, reducing overtime and sticking to budgets next week and the week after. The Deputy is aware that the region he is from, and from where those headlines he quoted as part of his budget analysis originate, has hired twice as many people as it had budget provision for without addressing agency or reducing overtime.

It did not recruit in a way that was strategic to ensure that the graduate nurses, whom we know need to be hired every October, had places. We know the surgical hub needed to open. The region did not plan or hire strategically. The vacancies to which the Deputy alluded come from a hospital that has recruited 233 people just this year, which, in many cases, is two or three times the recruitment level in equivalent hospitals around the country, so forgive me if I challenge the analysis of how money is allocated and where spending goes. I wait with bated breath for reform ideas from the Opposition on where we might save money and how we might better allocate resources for the future.

I recall a debate in November last year on blister packs where members of the Deputy’s party accused me of cruelty for making changes. Let me assure the Deputy that we held the ground on public spending. We made sure that there was more money to do more on community pharmacy and we held the line with the agreement that had been reached rather than throwing more money after something where we already reached an agreement with private operators. The Deputy’s party and others came into the Chamber and looked for more money for private operators in addition to the agreement that had been reached.

Over the year, we have recouped €4.4 million in inappropriate claims made by pharmacists, €2.5 million of which was recouped in 2026 by my Department and the HSE operating under my instructions. We recouped more this year in inappropriate claims than in the previous five years combined. That €2.5 million covers the free contraception scheme that we managed to extend for the women of Ireland.

There is a logic to budgeting. We put more money in, but we expect to get productivity out. We expect recruitment to be strategic. It is important that we defend the budget, the approach taken and the reform agenda. There is a time to call "Stop" on the inconsistency of analysis, and that is today.

We have been able to deliver a budget of €29.1 billion, which is an additional €1.6 billion in current funding. It is an increase from last year and is more than the rest of the Government was able to spend. We have a 6.2% uplift, whereas everybody else is at in or around 5.9%. Every euro invested by the taxpayer and the patient, who are the same person, deserves to be used in the most efficient and effective way for our patients. We will be able to recruit a proportionate number of approximately 3,000 more people next year, dependent on strategic recruitment, reducing agency staff and management of overtime. It is not a target. It has to operate within a pay budget. Two regions have done that this year and four have not. We will get there.

We will strategically expand access through a two-year programme that we will announce in two or three weeks' time to try to address dental problems in children in schools and on orthodontic lists. We will extend free contraception at a cost of €2 million. We will commence the introduction of the national shingles vaccination programme, which is an exceptionally expensive vaccination. We would like to get that to those who are immunocompromised and over-80s in the first instance and then roll it out through different five-year cohorts until we get to those aged 65 years. We will do that as quickly as we can and at the best price for the State.

We will expand our virtual care capacity to help people avoid hospital admission and get better care in the community. We will expand our successful surgical hubs across Wexford, Limerick and Galway and we will open more theatres in those hubs.

We will continue to build on the reforms enabled by the public-only consultant contract. It is easy to announce reforms, but it is much more difficult to implement them. In September 2025, we started at zero fully rostered consultants in hospitals and zero Saturday clinics. Now, one year on, we have Saturday clinics in neurology in St. James's Hospital. Cavan hospital is holding weekend and evening cardiology sessions. Endoscopies are being done on Saturdays and in the evenings in University Hospital Kerry. We are seeing Saturday lists in scoliosis in Children's Health Ireland, which is reducing outpatient waiting times to nearly three months. Those Saturday lists will continue to grow in 2027. We will publish transparently a productivity hub for every hospital so that every hospital and the people around it can see how much money has gone in and what the output is in terms of inpatient day cases. We have increased the budget of our hospitals by well over 50% and our staffing by 13%, and activity has gone up by 16%.

I wait for the day this year where we have that analysis of what ideas can come from different hospitals and where we are seeing different ways of making better procurement savings so that we have more money for pay and other matters. It is a question of where the savings can be made in terms of time.

I commend this approach to the House.

I am pleased to confirm that, in budget 2027 and working with the Minister, Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, I have secured an additional €108 million for mental health services, bringing the annual budget to more than €1.657 billion. This represents a 7% increase in funding for this year, for staffing growth equivalent to 285 additional posts, along with a range of new services. However, it is not acceptable to me that ring-fenced posts for mental health funded in budget 2026 or 2027 would be delayed or suppressed by overspends elsewhere in the health service.

I will be working with the Minister to ensure that there are very tight controls on the 285 new posts and the 300 posts funded for this year. We will be clawing back the funding not spent on the 300 ring-fenced posts for this year, combining it with an additional €15 million for this year, holding it centrally and only distributing it to the regions as posts are actually hired for. It is simply unacceptable to me that the 2026 budget of just shy of €1.6 billion, which was not overspent as part of the overall health budget, would be penalised for good, prudent management. From the roll-out of the clinical programmes across the country and from the staff that have been recruited around the country to support people with mental health, we can see the important of this funding being ring-fenced and recurring.

I will outline some of the important highlights. Building on the crisis nursing teams I announced last year for the model 4 hospitals, such teams will now be established in our busiest model 3 hospitals, which are in Louth, Naas, Mayo, Sligo and Wexford, and also Connolly Hospital Blanchardstown, providing crucial out-of-hours support to people presenting in crisis.

In the community, budget 2027 will provide two new crisis resolution teams, one each in Wexford and north Tipperary, and six new drop-in Solace crisis cafés, one each for Carlow, Louth, Wexford and north Tipperary and two more for Dublin, giving people experiencing a crisis an alternative to attending an emergency department. We will also provide an additional 24 suicide crisis assessment nurses, SCANs, to complete the roll-out to the eight remaining counties. This will make the SCAN a truly nationwide programme.

We are significantly strengthening early intervention for children through four new Jigsaw youth mental health services, with one each in Kildare, Dún Laoghaire, Cavan-Monaghan and Sligo-Leitrim, which will operate a hub-and-spoke model for the coverage. The new locations will extend Jigsaw services to approximately 135,000 additional young people and will increase national coverage from 75% to 95%.

In specialist services, we are providing 40 additional clinicians to establish a new ADHD pathway within child and adolescent mental health services, CAMHS, and to increase capacity in mental health intellectual disability services for children with complex needs, the kids who fall between the services and are not really sure which service is best for them.

Building on previous investment, I am providing a further €1 million package for Traveller-specific suicide prevention initiatives co-designed with the Traveller community. This brings our annual total investment in this area to €4 million.

A new specialist team for adults with eating disorders will be located in Limerick, an adult dual diagnosis team will be located in Tallow and an early intervention team in psychosis will be located in Donegal, which has been identified as one of the areas with the highest level of psychosis.

There is nothing in this budget that would do anything to change the minds of workers in this country who are planning to go out on strike on 14 October and 21 October. Any reasonable look at it would say it is a good reason to get organised and mobilise for those public sector strikes because the Government has not responded to the legitimate demands and needs of working people, be they public sector or private sector, or those who are struggling with the cost-of-living and housing crises facing this country. When the Government refuses to listen to workers, they need to take to the picket lines to force it to listen. That is really all that is left to do after this budget.

The Government's tax changes are supposedly to benefit workers. We have the now tiresome and insulting phrase about people who get up early in the morning to go to work, but the Government has completely failed to deliver for those people. The changes to the higher band of taxation will not affect in any way the vast majority of workers because most of them do not earn enough to benefit from changes to the higher band. The small changes in the USC will be so marginal that, for many, we are talking about 0.5%, less than 1% or maybe a little bit over 1% in terms what they get. However, that is against a background where Fórsa estimates that workers lost 5% of their income over the period of the last pay agreement, which expired at the beginning of this year. Then there has been a break because there is still no agreement. The Government does not want to talk about pay with the unions, which the unions are quite rightly demanding. Then we look at the forward projections for inflation and the cost of living.

What did the Government say on pay? It said it had put aside €1.2 billion. It does not mean much to people when they hear those big, universal figures, but what does €1.2 billion mean?

We costed in our budget what would be required to give workers a 10% pay increase to make up for the 5% they lost, the six months in this year where there has been no pay deal, and to give them something against the cost-of-living increases expected over the coming period. It would cost €3.1 billion. When ICTU says there is not enough in what was announced yesterday to match the legitimate demands of workers, it is 100% right. In fact, there is enough to cover about one third of the pay demands. By the way, 10% would not be a massive pay increase for workers; it would just about compensate them for the loss of income they have endured under the last pay agreements and as a result of the cost-of-living crisis over recent years and the projected rates of inflation and cost of living over the coming period. So get out your placards and get your pickets organised, because the Government is not listening and has not allocated enough to actually address the cost-of-living crisis for workers.

This lesson should be followed by everybody else, including private sector workers. We should be looking at what the students are doing in France at the moment. We should be looking at what young and old people are doing in Spain. They are getting out on the streets and saying they are not taking any more of evicting an 87-year-old woman through no fault of her own, while landlords are creaming it in with extortionate rents. Students in France are unwilling to accept underfunded and under-resourced schools. Let us take the lead of the Spanish young people, students and protesters, and of the students in France, and let us get out and mobilise in support of public sector workers who are striking because this Government is only interested in doing favours for the corporates, the energy companies and the landlords who are profiteering and benefiting from the cost-of-living and housing misery that ordinary people have suffered.

I was talking to a secondary teacher, who is a single parent, who will be on strike next week. One of her children is in primary school. She said the reason she is going on strike is that the cost of living is just too damn high. These are her words. She is really careful with money but it is all scrimp and no save. She goes to Lidl and Aldi, the discount supermarkets, and she has changed the whole diet of the family, but now she is being forced to pull her kids out of the GAA. She cannot afford the fees even though the family is all sports mad. There are no after-school activities and no chess club because she cannot afford it. There are no holidays.

This gives us an idea of the situation of a so-called professional worker in this country. There was a campaign afoot over the weekend to pretend that the cost of living is not an issue anymore, citing the inflation rate going down. The inflation rate actually went up on last year. I do not have time to deal with this matter but the teacher I spoke to said she has a life of constant stress. She goes to sleep stressed and wakes up stressed. This is why there is a real enthusiasm now. I have been talking to teachers. Those people on stealth rotas are enthusiastically signing up after yesterday's budget. We have never seen anything like it. We had the patronising from the Minister yesterday, telling people not to go ahead.

Most public sector workers are women. There is a gendered aspect to the budget, obviously. We need to look at France, where school students are taking to the streets in revolt over school conditions. In Spain, there is a revolt over landlordism and the housing crisis. Absolutely nothing changes in this country or anywhere else through polite budget submissions. It never did and it never will. It is power that yields results. We saw this with the fuel protest, which helped a certain number of people around one issue but it did not help the whole of society. We need the trade unions, AMLÉ, the students and disabled people coming together as a powerful force to demand that the budget surplus is used to pay people decent wages and incomes.

There is €200 million in capital gains tax cuts to the rich. There is €1 billion being taken from the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund to dole out to businesses. It should be used for housing and nothing else in this country, to be frank. There are also cuts in corporation tax. The men's sheds organisation wrote to us last week. This is a positive community-based initiative to deal with male depression and loneliness. It wrote that sheds may have to close because the Government has not funded the organisation.

As I was coming here today I was listening to RTÉ and I heard the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan, making a total twat of himself as usual. There was the sports washing last week. Then he accused a well-known feminist like myself of being pro-Taliban. Seriously, mediocre men in power need to watch themselves. Now he has made an announcement to RTÉ workers. He is putting a gun to the head of RTÉ to cut wages and conditions or it will not get €20 million. This is an absolutely disgraceful carry-on the day after the budget and it should be roundly condemned by all here. It is disgraceful behaviour.

Like other speakers from the Opposition my assessment is that, once again, those at the top come first while working people and families are told to wait. The people who have been ringing my office and the people I have met today are saying they are disappointed and they feel let down, and that it was more of the same with nothing really in it for them. They are asking whether anything will change. The common thread for most people is that they say they do not know what world these people live in. These are ordinary people who meet me on the streets and these are their responses when I ask them how they did in the budget.

The irony is that we are told Ireland is a wealthy country, that the economy is strong and that the State has record tax receipts, yet ordinary people seem to know that something is clearly wrong. If we talk about society, there are pillars that pull us together. One of the key pillars is a roof over people’s heads but we are not succeeding in this. We only have to walk out the door here and we can see people sleeping rough. For those of us with a constituency office it is the main issue for people coming in; it is housing, housing, housing. We are not fixing this.

Another issue for people is that their children get a good education. If children have special needs, we would like to think that in a normal society in a wealthy country they would be able to get an assessment and that the system would not be broken. People who get sick should know there will be a bed in the hospital and there would not be a million people on the waiting lists. These are all the services that people rely on. We say we have one of the most successful economies in the world yet people are not feeling it and this is the sad part about it.

I am speaking as a Member of the Opposition but people in government would say the same. We are not feeling it. The economists are giving out that too much is being spent but the reality is that people are not feeling it in their own lives. While we have a successful economy, the big question people ask is who that successful economy is for. It would appear from the way the budgets have been going that those who are doing well are those at the top, who have been doing well for decades. They are the ones doing well and others feel that they have been left behind. The well-off are getting better off with the wealth that is there, while for those at the bottom it is getting worse and worse. It is wake-up time for the Government. It had choices but it did not follow through on those choices.

My wife and I recently went through the rigmarole of trying to secure a childcare place for our youngest son. It was an absolute nightmare. Thankfully, we are sorted now, 18 months later. Putting myself in the shoes of a parent with a child in a childcare facility that is not in core funding, or worse, a parent who has not been able to get a place, I would have been seething listening to yesterday’s budget announcements.

The €200 reduction in childcare fees will no doubt be welcomed by parents whose children are in facilities that are in core funding, but those whose children are not have been forgotten about. I get emails from parents every week who are petrified that their childcare provider will pull out of core funding and they will be left paying a second mortgage. There is a service in Knocklyon that was taken over by Tigers, one of the large corporate providers. Not only has there been a serious deterioration in the quality of the service since the takeover, with constant room closures, staff leaving because of the work environment and the removal of any flexibility in hours, but parents have also been left with the threat that the service will withdraw from core funding hanging over their heads. It is a source of constant anxiety for them. Another provider in my area, Chuckleberries, did withdraw from core funding in 2024 and fees are now upwards of €1,600 a month before the national childcare scheme, NCS. Just last week, parents and children attending the childcare facility in TU Dublin in Tallaght were informed that the service will be shutting its doors.

Where are those parents supposed to send their children now? There are just not enough spaces in Dublin South-West, and certainly not ones that most parents can afford. What did the childcare provisions in yesterday’s budget do for those parents? It did absolutely nothing. The only way the Government can address the issues we are seeing in the early years sector, whether it is costs for parents, the availability of spaces or the pay and conditions for workers, is to take up the Labour Party's universal public childcare model. It cannot happen soon enough, but unfortunately we have seen absolutely no hope of that in this budget.

A couple of months from now, vulnerable households up and down the country are going to be feeling the impact of the Government’s failure to provide targeted energy credits in yesterday’s budget. I understand the measures taken in terms of the carbon tax and excise duty, but if we are honest, it is little more than tinkering around the edges. Is €43 in savings on carbon tax really going to move the dial for those relying on kerosene and spending €1,500 to fill their tank? The worst effects of Donald Trump’s war in Iran are still being felt, and in the months ahead, it is more than likely that any reductions that come from those tax cuts yesterday will be eroded as prices carry on rising. The Government has undermined one of the key funding mechanisms for a just transition, and for helping less well-off households to reduce their dependence on fossil fuels and keep their homes warm, while at the same time offering only momentary, almost tokenistic support that will mean nothing once wholesale prices catch up.

It is perfectly reasonable to reduce the tax burden on the fuels that people rely on in an effort to soften the impact, of course, but that should have been accompanied by the Labour Party's proposal for a €400 energy credit for households earning less than €80,000 a year. The Government is chasing the price and that is a fool’s errand. As my colleague, Deputy Nash, said in his budget speech yesterday, the answer to carbon tax is less carbon. It is about more heat pumps, solar panels, batteries, retrofits and electric vehicles. With Ireland leading the EU delegation at this year’s COP, which is happening next month, there is nothing in this budget to suggest to me that this Government recognises the urgency with which we need to help households to decarbonise.

Then we have the public transport fare hikes. It would have taken €70 million a year to prevent public transport fares going up. We are spending €100 million a month at the moment subsidising petrol and diesel. People need support, of course, but why is it not being extended to public transport users? The Government made a big play about the income tax cuts announced in this budget, but for middle-income earners who use public transport to get to work, half of any gains they have made in terms of tax cuts will be swallowed up once those fare hikes come in in January. We are discouraging people from using public transport and prolonging our reliance on expensive and volatile fossil fuels in the middle of a cost-of-living and climate crisis.

The active travel budget of €360 million has not changed since 2020, meaning this amounts to a 22% decrease in real terms. In 2020, active travel actually amounted to 20% of the capital transport budget. Today, it is down to just 8.6%. If we were to take 20% of the 2027 capital transport budget, that would have been €835 million. Imagine the transformative effect that could have had for active travel schemes around the country. The Government could have prevented these fare hikes. It could have protected those at risk of energy poverty, transformed active travel around the country and shown that it is actually committed to reducing our exposure to fossil fuel price shocks, but it made a political choice not to.

As my colleague said, it is said that politics is all about choices. Once again, this Government has demonstrated that it is not hearing the voices of so many people who call this country their home. I want to go through the choices made and highlight those that could have made a difference to these people. Like many representatives over the last 24 hours, I am deeply disappointed in the totally inadequate €3 increase in the living alone allowance. This payment had not been increased in a number of years, and the Government thought that €3 was enough for older people living alone. Older people living alone are already facing higher rates of poverty, with at least 30% living in poverty compared to a national average of nearly 13%. The Government must also acknowledge that previous once-off measures were the only thing keeping this figure from increasing, and without these measures, the percentage would have risen to 40% living in poverty. A sum of €3 would not even buy a cup of coffee, let alone help older people with the cost of living.

Many older people will also be disappointed with the €10 increase in the State pension. At least €15, which is what the Labour Party had proposed in our alternative budget, was needed to help older people and carers with the cost of living. The €10 does not even match the rate of inflation. The domiciliary care allowance, DCA, was left out of any increases by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. As we all know in this House, it is a vital support for many families in keeping up with the additional costs of providing care to a child with additional needs. The question has got to be asked: why was this payment left out? Why is the Government leaving these families worse off? I have heard from hundreds of carers this week alone who are calling for urgent reform of this payment and on the Government now to seriously look at extending the age of eligibility for this payment from 16 to 18 years of age. The Minister for Social Protection will know I have been raising this issue continuously in the House and now I can share the opinions of almost 2,000 families who want and, most importantly, need this change.

Disabled people are facing additional costs in the thousands of euro, yet the Government only started the cost-of-disability payment at €9.62 per week. That is nowhere near enough and represents just 17% of what organisations like the Irish Wheelchair Association, IWA, were calling for. While I acknowledge that this is the beginning of a much-needed payment, it is starting at an extremely low base. In the Labour Party’s own alternative budget, the payment would start at €30 per week. I also want to highlight that this payment is being missed out by a number of groups of disabled citizens. This is particularly important for older people who have recently moved from the disability allowance and the invalidity pension to the State pension. I have already been contacted by a number of older people who received long-term disability payments and are now not eligible for the new cost-of-disability payment. The Government must recognise that for many of these people, their disabilities are lifelong and do not disappear because they go on to the State pension.

It is also extremely worrying that the Government did not include households on the DCA as a qualifying payment for the cost-of-disability payment. This is a payment for children with severe disabilities and such caring households are faced with a lot of additional costs, particularly around accessing vital therapies and energy. This is an awful oversight by the Government and I urge the Minister for Social Protection to address these oversights.

I want to acknowledge the great work done by foster carers in this country, but, once again, the Government has forgotten about the great work that they do. There is nothing in this budget for those foster carers, and we know how important they are and the care they give right throughout the country at the moment.

Childcare, as the Minister knows, is a huge issue for many families in our area. Places like Newbridge and Kilcullen have become childcare deserts because of the lack of available spaces. County Kildare has the lowest level of community childcare provision in the State, with just eight providers. This is why I continue to call for the towns of Newbridge and Kilcullen to be prioritised as part of the new childcare pilot scheme that the Government has announced. However, this budget does nothing for those who are without a childcare place. This is not just about affordability; it is also about the availability of places and it is, of course, also about the staff. Without addressing these issues in tandem with childcare fees, the Minister is not addressing childcare. While I welcome the reduction in childcare fees, this is far off the €200 per month childcare fees promised by this Government. This is a measure first proposed by the Labour Party, and I am glad to see many other parties copying our homework. However, we are the only party to have a fully costed plan for a public system which works in real partnership with providers, lowers childcare fees and pays a fair wage for educators.

Despite a sustained period of global volatility, Ireland’s economy continues to be strong and resilient. That is due to the hard work of the Irish people and, in the case of my own area of responsibility, that of farmers, fishermen and women, foresters and agri-food businesses across our rural and coastal communities. As a Government, we are tasked with using available resources to support households, boost resilience and strengthen our economy.

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