I propose to take Questions Nos. 35 and 36 together.
I welcome the recent Kenova Report and the step forward it represents in seeking accountability for crimes committed during the Troubles.
I want to thank the Kenova team for their service over the past nine years, initially under the leadership of Jon Boutcher and, subsequently, Iain Livingstone. They have gone about this invaluable, complex and sensitive work with care and dedication. It is clear they have endeavoured to place victims at the heart of the process, just as we have sought to do in the Joint Framework on the Legacy of the Troubles.
This is a detailed and wide-ranging report, setting out the findings of the investigation launched in 2016 to investigate allegations of murder, kidnap and torture dating back to the 1970s.
The report brings together the high-level findings across the full Kenova family of cases, namely, Operation Kenova, which was an investigation in to potential criminal offences committed by the British agent known as Stakeknife, Operation Denton, which was a review of the activities of the so-called ‘Glennane Gang’, Operation Turma, an investigation in to the killing of three RUC Officers in 1982, and Operation Mizzenmast, an investigation in to the killing of Jean Smyth-Campbell in 1972.
What the report sets out is deeply shocking: in relation to Operation Denton collusion involved “vicious and serious criminal activity”, including bombings and murder, and “paramilitary groups were regularly supplied with intelligence by members of the security forces”.
The report states, under Operation Denton, that they did not see any evidence that collusion occurred at a political or strategic level. Furthermore, it did not identify any evidence or intelligence which would indicate that British security forces colluded with the UVF to carry out the Dublin/Monaghan bombings. However, it notes this cannot be categorically excluded.
Operation Kenova have also been unsparing in their criticism of the Provisional IRA, saying in the Kenova Interim Report that it was "an organisation based on intimidation and violence towards society in general, the security forces especially, and indeed often the very people it claimed to represent and protect”.
It is important to note that the investigation of the murder of three RUC officers in Armagh, Operation Turma, has resulted in decision to prosecution of an individual who was extradited from this jurisdiction in January of this year. This shows both that the prosecution of historic crimes is possible. As the Kenova Final report says, “there should be no immunity for those who committed murder”.
I agree fully with the report when it says that addressing legacy matters from the Troubles in Northern Ireland in a fair and transparent manner is vital to give justice and answers for what happened in the past. This is what this Government is committed to doing, in partnership with the British government.
Our focus is now on faithful and timely implementation of the Joint Framework - ensuring we put in place something that works in practice for families, victims, and survivors.
In terms of the Dublin/Monaghan bombings, on foot of a succession of motions adopted by this House, the Government has long-standing requests to allow access by an independent, international judicial figure to all original documents held by the British Government relating to these atrocities.
I hope that the publication of the full report of Operation Denton, which I hope to see in the near future, will give renewed impetus to our broader work on legacy. Families have waited for far too long for answers.
I hope to see the full report of Operation Denton in the near future but the exact date of publication is a matter for the Kenova team and the PSNI Chief Constable.