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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 10 Jul 2025

Vol. 1071 No. 2

Ceisteanna Eile - Other Questions

Departmental Meetings

Peadar Tóibín

Ceist:

7. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to outline the number of times he has met with the Palestinian ambassador to Ireland since he took office. [37514/25]

The slaughter in Gaza is one of the biggest stains on the international community. The killing of 57,700 people in Gaza is a war crime of massive proportions. It is happening in large part because it is underwritten by the West. It is underwritten by the US and many countries in the European Union. The approach of the West to the war in Ukraine and the war in Palestine could not be more different. Ireland’s approach could also not be more different. Is the refusal of visas for the 33 Palestinian children from the GAA Palestine project not an example of this?

The Deputy was critical of the decision not to grant the visas.

I am critical of that.

Every individual visa application has to be considered on its merit. This country will continue to apply rules in relation to migration and the issuing of visas. The Department of justice will continue to robustly apply rules, particularly when it involves minors and minors travelling without their parents and accompanied by other adults. I will not get into the individual application beyond saying an appeals process is in place. The documentation we require as a State is something we take very seriously.

On 28 May, we marked one year since Ireland announced that it would recognise the State of Palestine. Ireland, together with Spain and Norway, took that decision as an expression of our view that Palestine holds, and should be able to vindicate, the full rights of a state. That made the Palestinian representative a full ambassador in due course. It was a very important moment and the first time we have had an ambassador from Palestine in Ireland. In my capacity as the then Taoiseach, I was delighted to welcome for the first time a Palestinian ambassador to the Taoiseach’s office on 6 June 2024.

Since the announcement of Ireland's decision to recognise Palestine, an exchange of diplomatic notes confirming the establishment of full diplomatic relations was completed on 29 September 2024 and that enabled the Palestinian ambassador to present her credentials as Palestine's first ambassador to Ireland in December.

Ireland's representative office to the Palestinian Authority maintains close and regular contact with the Palestinian authorities, and senior officials in my Department are also in regular contact with the ambassador and other officials at the embassy of the State of Palestine.

Much of my engagement with the Palestinian Authority is at political level with my direct counterparts. I have met and spoken to the President of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, and the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mohammad Mustafa. I keep in contact with them and other interlocutors of the Palestinian Authority.

I agree there should be rules and checks. Nobody has said that more in this Chamber than me probably in recent years. However, I have also said it needs to be compassionate. That is something the Tánaiste has said too and that there should be a strict system and compassionate response. There are dozens of children unaccompanied coming to this country annually at the moment anyway. That is the state of the situation. Look at the two approaches between Ukraine and Palestine. There are 112,189 people from Ukraine here. They do not need a visa. They are considered, for their temporary situation, to be nearly European citizens in what they can do. I understand that. On the other side, we have 33 Palestinian children from the GAA Palestine project. It is very obvious there is a two-tier approach that is materially different. Those two groups have had a completely different material difference in relation to this. Will the Tánaiste formally ask the Minister for justice to intervene on this and see if visas can be provided for these children?

Many visas have been granted to Palestinian nationals, mostly to family members of Irish citizens and residents. We do try to adopt a compassionate approach. I take the Deputy’s point and his credibility on this in the sense of wanting a rules-based migration system. I do not doubt his bona fides on that. I also do not doubt, nor does the Minister for justice or the Government, the good faith of those organising these events. I do not doubt it at all for a moment. However, many factors must be considered before a visa can be granted. Unfortunately, not all people will be able to demonstrate that they satisfy the conditions to be granted a visa to come to Ireland. A visa is a very important legal document in our migration system. There was a request for 47 people to travel to Ireland from Palestine and 33 of these were children who were not travelling in the company of their parents. These applications were given very careful consideration. A visa officer has to be satisfied that children are travelling in the company of their parents or an appropriate guardian. Additional documents, such as birth certificates or consent letters, are regularly requested to establish the relationship. An appeals process is under way.

While the Tánaiste has been stronger than many of his European counterparts in standing up for the people of Palestine, and I grant that is the case, the European Union is still very cold in how it is dealing with Gaza. Ursula von der Leyen strode the world’s stage stating that she would underwrite the IDF’s actions at the start of this process. I believe she distorted the foreign policy of this country and other European countries when she made those statements. She has been defended by members of the Tánaiste’s party. It is interesting that Mairead McGuinness defended Ursula von der Leyen amid the backlash on Gaza.

She said Ursula von der Leyen should be "judged by her record in the round" and is extremely strong in terms of humanitarian aid and she does not doubt her credentials at all on this topic. Does the Minister agree with the former EU Commissioner?

The Deputy has randomly picked a former EU Commissioner. She must have caught his attention in terms of a potential upcoming electoral contest. I agree with the former Commissioner on many issues and I agree with her that the European Union, through the President of the Commission, has provided a significant level of leadership that other parts of the world have not provided. At a time when other parts of the world walked away from UNWRA, the European Commission, European Union and many member states significantly increased their contribution. We have significantly increased funding at EU level to the Palestinian Authority to help it reform. We are working very closely with Arab nations. Foreign policy is set by member states through the high representative. The European Commission has taken many positive steps from a humanitarian aid point of view. A lack of European unity on Gaza and a way forward is extraordinarily regrettable. People will look back on this period of history and believe Europe could have done more.

EU Meetings

Ryan O'Meara

Ceist:

8. Deputy Ryan O'Meara asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will report on his meeting with the EU budget Commissioner on 25 June 2025; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [37909/25]

On 25 June, I met the EU Commissioner for Budget, Anti-Fraud and Public Administration, Piotr Serafin, in Brussels. The meeting was an important opportunity to set out Ireland’s preliminary views on the post-2027 multi-annual financial framework, MFF, in advance of the proposal of the Commission being published next Wednesday. During this meeting, I called on the Commissioner to ensure a robustly funded and separate, strong and ring-fenced Common Agricultural Policy, CAP. As a thriving sector of our economy, I stressed the importance of CAP in sustaining jobs and rural communities and strengthening food security across Europe.

In addition, the Commissioner and I discussed the competitiveness fund. I called for a strong focus on digital, connectivity and infrastructure, which are key enablers to improving productivity, innovation and competitiveness. I also reaffirmed the importance of ensuring a separate and ring-fenced horizon programme, which provides for excellent research, transnational collaboration and innovation.

In the context of security and defence, which will play a significant role in the next MFF, I advocated that the Commission take into account the specificities of island and peripheral regions with large maritime areas and subsea infrastructure to protect. I also emphasised the importance of maintaining development and humanitarian assistance in a sustained and long-term manner.

On financing, I highlighted Ireland’s role as a net contributor and long-term beneficiary, and our view that the EU budget must be fit for the future, take into account horizontal principles and values and respond to Europe’s priorities effectively. Overall, the meeting was a first important step for Ireland in setting our ambitions and will be the first of many engagements I will have with the Commissioner in advance of Ireland’s EU Presidency next year, during which the MFF negotiations will be at a critical juncture.

I was interested to hear what the Minister of State said, following the conversation we had in the Chamber yesterday. I mentioned the Gates Foundation. He re-emphasised Ireland's commitment to overseas development. That is good news in a world where the cuts in US aid have been described by aid agencies as irreplaceable and having a significant impact. The security piece is important.

I want the European budget to adapt and develop in such a way that it is able to meet unforeseen circumstances. I understand 90% of the budget is fixed and 10% is discretionary or can be used to respond to particular situations. Was cohesion policy discussed? What were the budget Commissioner's views on that? To what extent does the Minister of State think that increased security expenditure might impact on this?

It is important to briefly set out the process. The Commission will publish the proposal next Wednesday. Ultimately, it is a matter for the leaders to agree this, in conjunction with the European Parliament. Over the next year and a half, starting on 18 July, governments will discuss the Commission's proposal and, in effect, negotiate it. Next Wednesday's proposal should be seen as the first outing. We will have a ministerial meeting two days later and that is the very start of the process. During our Presidency, Ireland will play a key role in those negotiations.

In terms of our external policies, the Minister has outlined the support the EU has given to, for example, Palestine and UNRWA. From Ireland's point of view, we want to make sure that the MFF maintains the EU's leadership in providing development and humanitarian assistance. That was a point I made, whether for war-torn situations or for the likes of Gavi. Regarding defence, we see a continued role for the MFF to build on investments under way to enhance our collective defence, in particular infrastructure, research and development and co-ordinated action.

I thank the Minister of State. Our political grouping at EU level, Renew Europe, has some positive ideas. It proposed reinforced provisions to promote democratic resilience, including something that is close to the heart of this Government, which is funding support for independent media, investigative journalism and fact checking. I understand the Estonians are way ahead of the rest of Europe in dealing with disinformation. We need to pile some significant money into that.

Much of this overlaps with the portfolio of our European Commissioner, Michael McGrath. It is also being proposed by our group that the MFF must position the EU as the world's leading provider of development and climate aid. The Minister of State mentioned that. Is this something he will support? Might it be a factor in our Presidency next year?

During the Presidency Ireland will, in effect, be in charge of the negotiations. We will have to act as an honest broker. It is important that between now and then we get our spoke out, so to speak. That is why met Commissioner Serafin at a very early point and immediately after that meeting I met all of our MEPs, all of whom were invited to be briefed on our position. I am more than happy to do that with the committees on foreign affairs, EU affairs and agriculture. Individual Ministers will also do that. It is also important for Oireachtas committees to engage with their counterparts in other parliaments. The CAP is the biggest part of the budget in terms of what we receive. It is important that we protect that.

The other issues the Deputy mentioned are important. In terms of our major priorities, we have to work with other member states and that includes the parliaments. I foresee a big role not just for MEPs but also Members of the Dáil on all sides. By and large, the priorities will be supported across the House.

On misinformation and disinformation, I recently had very good engagement with the Hybrid CofE in Finland and encourage the foreign affairs committee to engage with its representatives on best practice in this area.

Overseas Development Aid

Naoise Ó Cearúil

Ceist:

9. Deputy Naoise Ó Cearúil asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his plans to ensure sustained annual increases in Ireland's official development assistance to progress towards the UN target of 0.7% of gross national income; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38250/25]

Ireland has a proud history when it comes to development aid. We are still falling short of the UN target of spending 0.7% of gross national income on overseas aid. The most recent figures show we are at just 0.57%. When domestic supports such as Ukrainian refugee assistance are excluded, the figure drops to 0.41%. How does the Government plan to progress towards the 0.7% target?

I thank the Deputy for the question. Let us be honest: overseas development aid and assistance are coming under attack in many parts of the world. I am very proud that we live in a country where, on a cross-party basis, even during the deepest financial crisis, there has been consistent support for Ireland to continue to support those less fortunate in some of the most deprived and developing parts of the world. The Government remains committed to the targets agreed at the UN to provide 0.7% of gross national income in official development assistance. That commitment was reaffirmed in 2019 in A Better World, Ireland's international development policy. It has also been reaffirmed in our programme for Government.

In recent years, the Government has consistently increased the allocation for the Irish Aid programme managed under Vote 27 of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. This year, it stands at €810.3 million, the highest ever in the 51-year history of the developing programme. Total overseas development assistance and aid for 2024 are currently being finalised, but preliminary figures released by the OECD place Ireland's own overseas development assistance at over €2.2 billion, representing 0.57% of GNP. This includes eligible first-year supports for refugees in Ireland from Ukraine, as the Deputy mentioned.

Excluding these costs, the 2024 overseas development aid percentage was 0.41%, an increase from 0.38% in 2023. It is important to note that the refugee costs eligible for reporting as overseas development aid are finalised retrospectively and that no such funding has been sourced from the allocation for the Irish Aid programme.

Thus it does not come from that programme. This will remain the case in 2025. Total ODA, including contributions to international development from other Departments and Ireland's share of the EU development co-operation budget was in the region of €430 million in 2024.

Obviously individual decisions on how we get there are a matter for the budget, but I am heartened by the fact the programme for Government between the two parties and Independents is clear on that 0.7% commitment.

I acknowledge there is a commitment in the programme for Government and the Tánaiste's commitment to international development aid. The difficulty, as he has outlined, is the global aid landscape has completely changed. The US has made massive cuts to USAID. Over $60 billion has been slashed. UK development aid is down by £6 billion. That has a huge knock-on impact on the likes of the Irish NGOs. Goal, Concern and Trócaire, which is based in my home town of Maynooth, have lost vital funding and have had to freeze recruitment and suspend some operations in countries such as Syria and Sudan. Earlier we heard of the devastating impacts in Sudan and how we as a collective need to speak more openly about Sudan. These programmes run by Irish NGOs are vital in ensuring there are supports for people in the hardest-hit areas of the world.

I fully agree with the Deputy. We have allocated about €7.7 million so far this year to Sudan. We are committing this morning to allocating at least €14 million during the total year, which would bring us in line with what we did last year, because the humanitarian situation there is horrific. The year 2025 will be the fifth consecutive year in which the Government allocation to the Irish Aid programme managed by my Department will have increased and we will publish in September the annual report on our official development assistance to provide a detailed breakdown of the distribution of that aid.

The Deputy is right the very large cuts from other donors are having a real impact. The OECD projects a fall of between 9% and 17% in global ODA in 2025 at a time when the world probably requires it more than ever. This comes on top of a 9% drop in 2024 which marked the first global decline in six years. This projected decline is driven by announced cuts by major providers. France, Germany, the UK and the US all cut their ODA last year for the first time in nearly 30 years.

There is a little bit of light in a dark place from the commitment by the State and the Tánaiste's Department to increase the funding, especially to Sudan. That is an important message people need to hear. I acknowledge as well the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, made the comment in Sierra Leone earlier in the year that Ireland has a responsibility to show real leadership in how development spending directly impacts people living in poverty. It goes throughout Government and throughout the Tánaiste's Department. As I said, I welcome the increase in funding and the commitment to increase funding, especially to Sudan and the hardest-hit areas globally.

I thank the Deputy for highlighting this. We are monitoring very closely the impact on our work as a country and the impact on NGOs like the ones the Deputy mentioned as a result of the ODA cuts from other countries. We are continuing to assess the immediate and long-term effects with our partners. We are in regular contact with governments in developing countries, with the UN and other multilateral agencies, with our Irish development NGOs and with our international NGOs. We are going to continue this approach and we are trying to provide support to them that is predictable and flexible. We are trying to help those partners adapt as well as possible to what is a rapidly changing context. For example, we are front-loading the payment of our 2025 core funding for trusted UN agencies at their request. However, I must be honest that international aid architecture is facing a very uncertain time. We remain firm in our ODA commitments. It is clearly not feasible for us to fill the major funding gaps but we will continue to lead as we can and to be flexible in the engagement with our partners.

Middle East

Brian Stanley

Ceist:

10. Deputy Brian Stanley asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade whether he and his Department formally submitted an additional complaint to the International Criminal Court regarding the murder of thousands of Palestinian civilians by the Israel Defense Forces while queuing for food; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [37868/25]

My question is on the International Criminal Court. Has Ireland sought to include the slaughter of starving Palestinians queuing for aid in South Africa's case, which we have joined? I welcomed our joining that case.

I thank the Deputy for the question. The International Criminal Court is under attack. We are seeing this very regularly in many parts of the globe. Last week I met the President of the ICC in Dublin and we discussed ways in which Ireland can continue to defend the court from sanctions. The president thanked Ireland for its support to date, but having discussed it with her, frankly I was shocked at the impact sanctions, threats and a threatening environment is having on its work. I intend to raise this with European counterparts. Europe really needs to give consideration to how we can much better support the ICC.

I strongly condemn the continuing Israeli action in Gaza. International humanitarian law makes it very clear civilians must not be targeted in an armed conflict and that the provision of humanitarian relief must be facilitated and protected. I call for a full and independent investigation into the horrific events that have been outlined in these reports.

The International Criminal Court has the jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute any international crimes committed on Palestinian territory, including by Israeli citizens. I checked in advance of taking this question that no further referral is needed for the ICC to be seized of the matter. It already has that jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute. The ICC prosecutor has already confirmed he is conducting an investigation into the escalation of violence in Palestine, including the events of 7 October 2023. To date the ICC has issued three arrest warrants in relation to the situation in Palestine. Two of these warrants are for the Israeli Prime Minister and the former defence minister. The third warrant was for the Hamas commander, who has since been confirmed dead. Ireland supports the investigations of the ICC into all situations before the court, including Palestine. It is vital we allow the court to carry out its important work in an independent and impartial manner. During my meeting with the president of the ICC we discussed ways in which Ireland can continue to defend the court from US sanctions and she thanked Ireland for its support. We will continue to work with like-minded states to support and protect the court.

I thank the Tánaiste for his reply. I gather from it the International Criminal Court has already included this. I ask that the Tánaiste and his diplomatic staff do everything possible to try to ensure that case is pressed. The horror show in Gaza continues. There is bombing of tents with innocent civilians in them as well as of hospitals and schools. The four Gaza Humanitarian Foundation centres have been turned into shooting galleries where people are herded in and shot for fun. If firing tank shells into crowds of starving people is not a war crime, then God almighty in heaven, what is? That is along with water being turned off and everything else.

All this is being done in the name of improving Israeli security. If anybody thinks breeding the resentment that is going to flow from this in the years to come is going to increase Israeli security they are delusional. I ask the Tánaiste to keep pushing that case.

We certainly will. The Deputy is correct. We are seeing people queuing for aid for themselves and their children in a situation of near starvation and being shot at and killed. This is beyond horrific.

Ireland will continue to support the ICC. I need to stress to the House how volatile and dangerous the situation is in terms of the sustainability of the ICC. We have to support the ICC. We have to support international courts. Europe has always had and still has unanimity on that support, or almost unanimity, on the work of the ICC. Financial sanctions are being used to try to get to a point where the ability of the ICC to operate is undermined. That would be despicable and needs to be condemned. From our point of view and the work of the ICC investigations on Palestine, we have made additional voluntary contributions. In 2024 we made a further contribution of €1 million to the ICC prosecutor's trust fund for advanced technology and specialised capacity, another €1 million for the trust fund for victims, €500,000 for the special fund for security and €250,000 for the special fund for witness relocation.

I thank the Tánaiste. I welcome that support for the International Criminal Court. It is important. The international order is under attack, without a doubt. The Tánaiste's reply has caused me more concern due to the feedback he got last week. It is important Ireland and other countries continue to support the International Criminal Court and not allow the United Nations to be undermined, and indeed for the whole organisation to be reformed and improved. The Government has stood out. We need to continue doing that. I ask it to go further, of course. There is going to have to be negotiations and the release of hostages, both Palestinian prisoner hostages and Israeli hostages.

The sooner that happens, and we move to negotiations for a two-state solution, the better.

Will the Tánaiste continue to try to build what I would call a coalition of the willing? Ireland has managed to get some other European countries on board. I ask that he continue that work and, hopefully, other countries in Europe will come on board. We must keep applying as much pressure as possible on Israel to stop the slaughter and the horror show that are Gaza and the West Bank.

We certainly will do that. The beauty of Irish foreign policy is its consistency. We are always in favour of human rights, international law, peace and dialogue, regardless of the parties involved. I often hear Ireland's position being misrepresented, with questions about whether we are pro this country or anti that country. We are pro international law, multilateralism, human rights and humanitarian law. It is easy to speak up and speak out for one's country when its foreign policy is grounded on those principles and is so consistent.

We will continue to work to build alliances at a European level and also work with Arab states. We all hope and pray we arrive at a point where the killing stops, the genocide stops and we can have a discussion about the future of Gaza and how to begin to build a two-state solution. I acknowledge that intense ceasefire talks are under way. We really hope they yield progress in the coming days.

Diplomatic Representation

Tony McCormack

Ceist:

11. Deputy Tony McCormack asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will request the Irish Embassy in Washington DC to engage with the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations to ensure its members are not subjected to disinformation in regard to proposed Government legislation; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38165/25]

What does the Tánaiste consider the best response to the comments by the chair of the United States foreign relations committee that the occupied territories Bill is blatantly antisemitic?

I deplore antisemitism, as does everybody in this House. We should speak with one voice in condemning antisemitism in all its forms. It needs to be called out and we all need to do more, as countries, as the European Union and as a global community, to stamp out antisemitism. That is beyond doubt.

Separate and distinct from what I just said, we will continue, as a country, to speak up for our values as a people in terms of human rights, the work of the ICJ and our feeling of obligation to be in compliance with ICJ advisory opinions. That is where this legislation has come from. It came from the fact that an international court of justice looked at the situation in the illegally occupied territories and has called on countries like Ireland - in my view, it has compelled countries - to act. We would not be true to our values, nor, I believe, to our obligations and the work of the ICJ, if we did not act.

In respect of the United States, we will not respond to bombast but we will continue to respectfully engage. I look forward to engaging with the new US ambassador on a whole range of topics. I will have a substantive meeting with him next week. I will continue to engage with my counterpart, Secretary of State Rubio, and with the commerce secretary and the trade representative. The Taoiseach will continue to engage with the President on all issues to do with our bilateral relationship.

Senior level engagement with the United States is a top priority for me. It is also identified as a priority in the programme for Government, which includes a commitment to "strengthen our political, cultural, economic and trade relationship with the US at all levels, recognising the unique significance of the transatlantic relationship between us". Our embassy in Washington DC, the staff of which I thank for their great work, is continually engaged with a number of committees across Congress, particularly the Senate and House committees that deal with foreign relations. This provides an opportunity to ensure Ireland's foreign policy, including on the Middle East, is well known and, I hope, understood in key Congressional committees.

It is easy to talk when there is agreement on everything. It is harder, but more important, to continue to engage when there are points of difference. We do that in a manner that is respectful of the deep relationship between Ireland and the US.

I welcome and echo the Tánaiste's remarks. The small Jewish community in my constituency of Dublin South-West feels particularly vulnerable at times of protest.

Outside our relationship with the UK and the European Union, we have a unique relationship with the United States. This issue provides an opportunity, not to review it but to move forward with a different kind of dynamic. Some people on the left are the first to protest when members of the Houses of Congress who may hold strong views with which we disagree visit this House. These visits are opportunities to engage and to outline the rationale behind Ireland's stance on particular issues, as opposed to having a blanket protest against their presence in the House. In that engagement with people who hold particular views, it is important that we express to the Americans that it is not the Irish Government that has been accused of genocide, crimes against humanity and weaponising of hunger. Those views must be made known as strongly as possible to our American counterparts.

Absolutely, and that is the difference between the Government and the Opposition. The Taoiseach and I were in the United States, where he had a meeting with President Trump, engaging on behalf of this country, speaking up for our values, putting forward our views and valuing our relationship. The leader of the Opposition took the weekend off. That is the difference. It is easy to turn up when everybody is getting on great. It is more important to turn up when there are legitimate points of disagreement and to articulate our views in that respectful manner. We have a very deep, cultural, economic and person-to-person relationship with the United States of America. That is a good thing. We also have our own policies and that is okay too. We are a democratic, sovereign country and we engage in that respectful manner.

Separately to the formal engagement that happens at the Congressional committees I referenced, our ambassador to the United States, Geraldine Byrne Nason, who is doing an excellent job, regularly meets with members of Congress from both parties. Our consuls general across the US mirror that federal level engagement with state-level Congressional leaders. The ambassador and the team at the embassy regularly engage with the US Administration at a senior level. The embassy is fully aware of the need to ensure timely and accurate information on Ireland's policy priorities in respect of both our foreign and economic policy.

There will be lots of visits from Congressional delegations, as the Deputy rightly noted. Regardless of our political perspectives, we should all take those opportunities to engage.

I echo the Tánaiste's comments regarding our diplomats.

The week of St. Patrick's Day is a particularly important week for Ireland. Is it time to look at mobilising more politicians, outside of just Ministers and Ministers of State, to engage at state House level in the United States, open up a new conversation with American legislators and mobilise our considerable diaspora? There was a time when we had very significant figures on Capitol Hill but that has diminished a little bit. The Cathaoirleach of the Seanad has done a lot of work on creating new connections and networks in the US. Other countries have trade envoys and political envoys who convey particular messages. There are some messages diplomacy cannot deliver but which face-to-face political connections can. I seriously encourage the Tánaiste to look at the possibility, over the lifetime of the Government, of having some politicians act as envoys on behalf of the Government in particular areas and with a particular focus on the US.

I remember the challenges to do with envoys previously. I agree with the Deputy's broader point on the need to empower as many people as possible to engage. I will reflect on his point. The first way we should do that is by continuing to facilitate and host Congressional delegations, known as CODELs, whereby people from both sides of the aisle, Republicans and Democrats, travel to Ireland together. One of the most recent delegations, which visited in April, included three members of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. They met with a number of Oireachtas Members and Government representatives. We plan to proactively engage with further CODELs due to visit Ireland in the coming months, which will include a number of important interlocutors.

The Deputy is right that we have built up great relationships over the years with senior Irish-American figures. We need to look to the next generation of people who may have an affinity with our country. I acknowledge the work done by the Cathaoirleach of the Seanad. The US is a federation and engaging on a state-by-state basis is very important.

Question No. 12 taken with Written Answers.

Consular Services

Sinéad Gibney

Ceist:

13. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade whether he is aware of the case of a person (details supplied) who is married to an Irish citizen and has been detained arbitrarily in the UAE for the past 17 years; the steps his Department is taking to provide consular assistance and seek his release from arbitrary detention; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38291/25]

Is the Tánaiste's Department aware of the case of Ryan Cornelius, who is married to an Irish citizen and has been detained arbitrarily in the UAE for the past 17 years? What steps is it taking to provide consular assistance to Mrs. Cornelius and to seek Ryan's release from arbitrary detention?

I thank the Deputy for raising this question and giving me an opportunity to provide some further information about the matter, as I am sure she will provide the same to me. I am aware of this case and have been apprised of the details. I spoke with officials in my Department on the matter as recently as yesterday and have asked them to meet with Mr. Cornelius's wife, family members and representatives to discuss his ongoing detention and explore possible avenues for our engagement.

As the Deputy is aware, the person in question is a citizen of the United Kingdom. In these circumstances – and this is as a matter of law rather than my opinion of the world - it is the UK authorities and their embassy in the United Arab Emirates that hold the consular responsibility in this case. Furthermore, from the perspective of the United Arab Emirates authorities, they are bound to deal only with the authorities of the United Kingdom. That is a reality we are facing. It is my understanding that the British authorities have been and are active on behalf of Mr. Cornelius throughout his detention. I am happy to have a perspective on that too.

Officials in my Department, including at the Embassy of Ireland in Abu Dhabi, are in contact with the UK authorities on this matter. I must emphasise that my officials will be guided by the primary consular protection authority in our actions. Our interest in the case was discussed with a senior UAE minister during her recent visit to Ireland and we will continue to keep this under review. I will not overly comment on individual cases other than to say we will do anything we can that is helpful. Helpful is the important word in this regard. We wish to be helpful. My officials meeting with Mr. Cornelius’s wife, family and representatives will be an important step in exploring that.

I welcome that the Department will meet with Heather, her legal team and her brother-in-law, who is assisting her. When I wrote to the Minister about this matter on 13 May, I received a reply similar to what the Minister has just outlined, that is, that the responsibility for this case lies with the British consulate. Heather is an Irish citizen, as we have established. She is a victim of this injustice and is raising her children alone as a result. She has been separated from her husband, who has been arbitrarily detained for 17 years. She now faces the reality that, at the age of 71, she may experience him dying in prison. We have to help her, as a citizen of this country. Although the technical consular responsibility lies with the UK, we can help her. I do not agree that the UK has supported Heather and her family. They have been very frustrated with their experience. While the family has asserted, as the Minister said, that the Irish Embassy in Abu Dhabi has been helpful, the weight of the Department of foreign affairs needs to be put behind this issue.

I am conscious that I am talking to a family through the prism of the Dáil. I wish to be respectful of that reality. I thank Deputy Gibney for writing to me on this matter. My officials will meet with Heather, the family and Mr. Cornelius's representatives because we want to be helpful. While this might sound like a frustrating thing to say, and I can understand why, this case requires exploration as to what is helpful. I do not wish to do anything, accidentally or otherwise, that would be unhelpful. The UAE has a clear view that it engages with one consular authority. Obviously, law is also clear in that regard. What I can say is that Ireland raised this matter with the UAE minister who visited Ireland recently. Our interest in the case was discussed in some detail with that senior minister during her recent visit to Ireland. The Irish embassy in the UAE continues to engage with the UAE authorities and we are also raising it with the British authorities. I am happy to have a direct word with Deputy Gibney in this regard. I am also happy to ensure the meeting takes place as quickly as possible.

Speed is of the essence because they have reached their wits' end with support from the UK. That is why Heather has turned to Ireland, essentially, for help. At the 93rd session of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in 2022, it found Ryan Cornelius to be arbitrarily detained. There were massive procedural issues with the original conviction in 2008. There are a huge number of issues to deal with. Meanwhile, Heather remains separated from her husband, raising her children alone. The legal team around her has provided incredible support. While it has kept this case at the top of its agenda and kept the pressure on the UK Government, it has received little response. I am delighted to hear the Tánaiste's Department will meet with Heather to provide her with the support that we can as a country.

We will absolutely do that. I am happy to keep in direct contact with the Deputy on this issue. I cannot imagine how difficult, traumatic and upsetting a time this must be for Heather, her children and the wider Cornelius family. As I said, I do not wish to accidentally endeavour to intervene in a way that is unhelpful. That would be the worst thing to happen. We are very eager to engage with Heather to, in the first instance, discuss her perspective and experience, including her dealings with the UK authorities and the assistance they are legally bound to provide to Mr. Cornelius, which I am told they are providing, and also to explore that to see what assistance may be appropriate or helpful from Irish authorities. I will make sure that happens as quickly as possible.

Question No. 14 taken with Written Answers.

Passport Services

John Paul O'Shea

Ceist:

15. Deputy John Paul O'Shea asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will consider opening a passport printing office in Cork to assist with printing passports in a timely manner; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38241/25]

Will the Tánaiste consider opening a passport printing office in Cork to assist with printing passports in a timely manner? I ask him to make a statement on the matter.

I thank my colleague, Deputy O'Shea, for raising this question. I am pleased to say the passport service is delivering passports to our citizens within advertised turnaround times and, in many cases, well before their due date. More than 580,000 passports have been issued this year to date.

The public offices in Dublin and Cork operate an urgent appointment service for renewal applications. The Dublin office offers one-day and four-day turnaround services, while the Cork office offers a four-day turnaround service. Our records show that, between the two locations, just 1.6% of all passport applicants avail of this service. So much is done online now. That is a key point. During 2024, there were an average of 240 appointments available in Cork each year. Throughout that year, however, only 26% of appointments available in Cork were taken up. We have significant spare appointment capacity, which is a good thing. It means the system is working well.

Currently, the passport service operates three passport book printing machines, with two in the main production facility at the Balbriggan campus and the third in the Dublin Passport Office, which is near Leinster House, on Mount Street. The printing and dispatching of passports are a highly automated process in what is an industrial production system. The passport service estimates the initial capital cost of purchasing and installing a new printer and mailing machine to be approximately €5.3 million. In addition to this are costs associated with capital investment and the requirement for expert engineers on site. The running and maintenance costs alone are estimated to be a further €600,000. For these reasons, I need to give further consideration to this because the service is working reasonably well. While I will consider this matter, I am not in a position to commit to it now.

I am pleased to say that we are increasing our presence in Cork. We are increasing the number of people working in the Cork office, with a new premises at Navigation Square in Cork city identified by the Department and the OPW to house the Cork Passport Office. It will have capacity for 140 staff compared with the 115 staff who are currently assigned. We are moving to a bigger office to increase our staffing levels in Cork. That will happen and I am grateful the new premises has now been identified at Navigation Square in Cork city.

As the Tánaiste said, there are two publicly accessible passport offices, one on the South Mall in Cork and one on Mount Street in Dublin, in addition to a passport printing facility in Balbriggan. Of these three buildings, only two print the passports, with one printing facility in Dublin city centre and two printing presses in Balbriggan. There is no such facility in Cork. Given that the number of annual first-time passport applications has more than doubled, and renewal applications have nearly doubled in the period from 2020 to 2024, an additional passport printing service is definitely needed. I note the Tánaiste's comments about the public offices and the passport services in Cork and Dublin operating an urgent appointment service for renewal applications. The Dublin office offers one-day and four-day turnaround services, while the Cork office only offers a four-day service. If the Cork office was able to provide a one-day turnaround service, as well as a printing service, that would be welcome.

No one in this Chamber is going to give out about increased capacity for our passport services. In every constituency office at this point, there is no shortage of calls from people trying to make it on holiday who are absolutely afraid they will not get their passport in time. Obviously, we need to make sure people check their dates and do whatever is needed. We have spoken about this previously.

There is an issue when it comes to streamlining, however. We know the issues that keep occurring around forms and the areas where mistakes are routinely made. They are made by a significant number of people. We need to look at the means by which that happens. At times, when a mistake happens, the clock is almost put back to zero. That is an issue. While people can sign up to be reminded when their passport goes out of action, I spoke to the Tánaiste previously about finding a way to make that streamlined in order that there is an automatic email in the same way as there is when it comes to motor tax and whatever else.

Let me take those suggestions on board.

The passport reform programme is continuing. While we made significant progress on passport delivery, turnaround times and the integrity of the passport, that process continues. I am happy to continue to engage on that.

On Deputy O'Shea's point, what I am saying for the people of Cork is that we are committed to Cork, to our Passport Office and to the new passport office. We will have the new passport office operational by autumn 2026 at 1 Navigation Square in Cork city. In addition to this, we will have the new building, the public office and the space and capacity for more staff. Our commitment to Cork and our presence and footprint in Cork are beyond doubt will be expanded.

My Department is not convinced of the business case for the printing machine but we will continue to keep this under review. I am happy to continue to engage. Perhaps next time I am in Cork, we might visit the passport service together and consider that further.

I thank the Tánaiste. I compliment the passport staff. The many passport service staff I have dealt with in my role as a TD for the Cork North-West constituency have been very helpful at all times. It is great to see that a new passport office is opening in Cork in the autumn and that there will be additional staff in that office. I know this matter has been brought up locally in my county, Cork, by local representative Councillor Rory Cocking in the Midleton local electoral area, and also by my colleague here in the Oireachtas Senator Eileen Lynch. It is a matter of importance to everybody in Cork to see if we can get a service operating that would be of benefit for all the people of Cork. The challenge is that if an urgent appointment is required, the people of Cork and of Munster have to travel to Dublin for a one-day service appointment to get that urgent passport. That is where the critical issue is.

I hear the Deputy. We are continuing to do everything we can to reduce the number of people who ever need to travel for an in-person appointment. I am really encouraged to see that that is less than 2% of people. It is quite incredible. We have spare capacity for the appointments in Cork today. Only about 26% of the slots in Cork are being used. I join with the Deputy in saying that is not by accident but is a testament to the incredible work of the people in the passport service. It is not that long ago that, after the Covid backlog, trying to get a passport was a real challenge for many of our citizens. We often quite rightly criticise some of the reform programmes, which can be quite challenging. The passport reform programme has gone very well. I was in the Balbriggan office and met Deputy O'Reilly there not that long ago. A great team of people is doing really good work there. I thank them for that.

Middle East

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire

Ceist:

16. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for an update on his position in relation to the EU-Israel association agreement. [38030/25]

Brian Stanley

Ceist:

23. Deputy Brian Stanley asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for an update on the steps he has taken, in conjunction with other EU governments, to have the Israel-EU trade arrangements suspended; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [37865/25]

Tom Brabazon

Ceist:

46. Deputy Tom Brabazon asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his assessment of the EU review of the EU-Israel association agreement; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38058/25]

Peter 'Chap' Cleere

Ceist:

48. Deputy Peter 'Chap' Cleere asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for an update on his discussions with his EU counterparts on the EU-Israel association agreement. [38053/25]

Sinéad Gibney

Ceist:

55. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the course of action he plans to take should the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement continue to be blocked at EU Council level, despite clear evidence of the breach of the human rights provisions of the agreement; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38292/25]

Barry Ward

Ceist:

73. Deputy Barry Ward asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the position regarding the EU-Israel association agreement; the actions our Government is taking in talks with our EU partners related to Israel's compliance with Article 2 of this agreement; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [37246/25]

Question No. 73 relates to the work the Tánaiste is doing relating to the EU-Israel association agreement. I respect hugely the work that we have done in the European Union, that the Tánaiste has done in the European Union and the respect for the rule of law. Given that there is ample evidence to suggest that Israel is outside the terms of that agreement and that it is not respecting the rule of law or humanitarian law, evidence of which we see time after time, as well as the advisory opinion of the ICJ, can we persuade our colleagues in the European Union to take action on the EU-Israel association agreement and actually hold Israel to account with regard to human rights clauses in that agreement?

We all know what we want to see with the EU-Israel association agreement. We know the pieces we want to see here and I see there are questions tabled about the occupied territories Bill. I would like to think we are moving closer to delivering on services. I think everybody who is in this room would also like to think that there will be follow-through by the Tánaiste's Department and the Department of justice on delivering on the GAA Palestine visit. Many people have contacted all of us about that. The EU-Israel association agreement will at least be the first move by the European Union on rightful sanctions against Israel. On that basis, would I be right in believing that that would give the Central Bank the powers to not facilitate the sale of war bonds? Has the Government looked at a means of avoiding our situation whereby we are facilitating the sale of war bonds? I do not need a conversation on the legislation and the arguments we have about that but there has to be a means by which we would remove any possibility of complicity in the brutal ongoing genocide.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 16, 23, 46, 48, 55 and 73 together.

I thank Deputies Ward and Ó Murchú. As the House is aware, as far back as 14 February 2024, the then Taoiseach and the Prime Minister of Spain wrote to the President of the European Commission, requesting an urgent review of whether Israel was compliant with its human rights obligations under the EU-Israel association agreement. It was a lonely place back then, with just Ireland and Spain seeking this review. Further, the letter requested that the Commission propose appropriate measures for the consideration of the Council should it find that Israel is in breach of its obligations. The EU-Israel association agreement provides that the relations between the parties would be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles, which constitute an essential element of the agreement. The agreement says that human rights clauses are an essential element. It is clear and we did not need any review to tell us that Israel is not living up to its human rights obligations. We eventually got 17 and then 19 countries to agree that we should have a review. The review has taken place and has found, quelle surprise, that Israel is in major breach of its human rights obligations and Article 2 of that agreement.

I do not believe this can be a consequence-free zone. The European Union cannot find a party to be in breach and then just ignore that or wish that away. At the last Foreign Affairs Council meeting, we asked Kaja Kallas, the High Representative of the European Union, to engage with the Israeli Government, because if someone is in breach, we have to ask how they intend to take themselves out of breach. We also asked her to engage with the College of Commissioners on what potential actions the European member states may now wish to take. The Taoiseach, the Government of Ireland and I would like to see the agreement suspended in the interim. That would be appropriate. It would require unanimity and I would be misleading the House to suggest that such unanimity would exist or be likely to exist. That is one reason why we are pursuing our own domestic legislation regarding the occupied Palestinian territories as an interim measure. I again reiterate my call and I hope other EU member states that share our views on this issue will follow and produce their own domestic legislation.

I put on record my admiration for the fact that the Tánaiste has put together a coalition among our European colleagues. It is no small feat. Given what he has said and given the inconsistency of the strength of action that Europe has taken on Russia, and the lack of action taken regarding Israel, how can we continue to have faith in the operation of the rule of law if this is not an almost automatic thing? Where the breach has been found, how is unanimity still required when, on the face of it, there are clear breaches that render the agreement inoperable?

The Tánaiste said, "Israel is not living up to its human rights obligations." That is a massive understatement and I think he would acknowledge that himself.

There have to be consequences for the genocidal action of the brutal Israeli regime. It must feel those consequences. The Tánaiste has the support of all the people on this island to take action against Israel to ensure that it does feel those consequences. While I am on my feet and have the floor, I implore him to do all that he can to get the kids here to play GAA. I spoke to one of the families that are expecting a child to come and stay with them. Their kids are devastated but, more importantly, the children in Gaza need to get out for a couple of days to play the sport that they love and to be somewhere peaceful and quiet for a couple of days. I urge the Tánaiste to do everything in his power to facilitate these children coming to Ireland. They just want to play Gaelic games with young Irish people. That is all they want to do.

I hear Deputy O'Reilly about that. I acknowledge that people are trying to do something good, in good faith. We all share that view. There are rules in place relating to visas, particularly when it comes to minors, especially when they are not travelling with parents or guardians. An appeals process is in place. I make that point without over-commenting on individual applications.

I agree on the point about consequences and made this point at the Foreign Affairs Council. We cannot find somebody in breach of their human rights obligations in an association agreement and say that is grand, we found them in breach and there is nothing to see here. There have to be consequences. I am checking this at the moment but my understanding is that the suspension of the agreement requires unanimity. Other measures may not require unanimity and that is where Ireland's focus will be in the days ahead.

Roinn