Paul Murphy
Ceist:1. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [66940/26]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Northern Ireland
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:2. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [66906/26]
Cormac Devlin
Ceist:3. Deputy Cormac Devlin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will next meet. [64937/26]
Emer Currie
Ceist:4. Deputy Emer Currie asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [67523/26]
Conor D McGuinness
Ceist:5. Deputy Conor D. McGuinness asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern will next meet. [67288/26]
Roderic O'Gorman
Ceist:6. Deputy Roderic O'Gorman asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will next meet. [66927/26]
Ruth Coppinger
Ceist:7. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [66869/26]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:8. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will next meet. [66854/26]
Darren O'Rourke
Ceist:9. Deputy Darren O'Rourke asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will next meet. [66797/26]
Erin McGreehan
Ceist:10. Deputy Erin McGreehan asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [64350/26]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:11. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [64347/26]
Cathal Crowe
Ceist:12. Deputy Cathal Crowe asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland will meet next. [64301/26]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 12, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland oversees implementation of programme for Government commitments and ongoing developments in relation to Northern Ireland, Irish-British relations and the shared island initiative. Areas of discussion also include the annual United Kingdom-Ireland summits and their agreed UK-Ireland 2030 programme of work, and the continued roll-out and development of the investment, research and dialogue strands of the shared island initiative. It considers issues relevant to the Government's position as a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. Members of this House will have seen the situation that has arisen in Drumcree in recent days following a Parades Commission determination in relation to the routing of an Orange Order parade to include the Garvaghy Road. The Government is very concerned about the situation. Our primary concern remains to avoid a return to the divisions of the past, recalling the significant progress made over many years in furthering reconciliation under the Good Friday Agreement. There is an opportunity and a responsibility on all parties to make every effort to mediate a way through the current situation. The Government will continue to work towards that end.
On Irish-British relations, I met with the United Kingdom's Prime Minister, Andy Burnham, at No. 10 North in Manchester on 18 September. We spoke also more recently over the weekend regarding the challenging and concerning situation at Drumcree. We are of one mind that in all circumstances it is important that we work together to protect the gains of the peace process. When we met in Manchester, Prime Minister Burnham and I had a very positive and productive meeting and discussed a wide range of matters, including the strength of the relations between our two countries and our ongoing work under the UK-Ireland 2030 programme to deliver new benefits and opportunities for people and businesses across these islands. We also discussed Northern Ireland matters, including the importance of the principles, institutions and partnerships at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement. We discussed the role of our two Governments as co-guarantors in shaping how we approach all aspects of the agreement, including further progress on the achievement of peace, prosperity and reconciliation on this island and between both countries. The situation in Drumcree is a reminder of the importance of this work.
Last year's agreement between both Governments on a joint framework on legacy was a momentous step forward. Prime Minister Burnham and I reaffirmed our commitment to implementing the joint framework, and to do doing so as soon as possible. I welcome the fact that the United Kingdom's Northern Ireland Troubles Bill will be back before Parliament at Westminster next month. The Government here agreed and published the heads of Bill for our implementing legislation last June, and a new dedicated Troubles legacy liaison unit is now operational within An Garda Síochána as the central point of contact and co-ordination for victims and families in relation to Troubles-related investigations in this jurisdiction. We are preparing to ensure that we are in a position to enact our legislation to dovetail with the UK Northern Ireland Troubles Bill when it is enacted. I welcome that the British Government is now of the view that there is a need for some reforms to make the Stormont institutions work better. That has been my view for some time. I welcome that the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Chris Bryant, is engaging with the Northern Ireland parties on this, as well as on the critical issue of the Executive agreeing a budget.
As a co-guarantor of the agreement, the Government has an interest here. The institutions of the Good Friday Agreement are designed to be interlocking. Without a functioning Executive, the North-South Ministerial Council cannot function. Our meeting also addressed a number of important international issues, including the seriously concerning humanitarian situation in Gaza and sharply deteriorating situation in the West Bank, and our joint commitment to supporting a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Ukraine that respects Ukraine's sovereignty and independence. More broadly, Government engagement in recent months, as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, has included whole-of-government participation in the North-South Ministerial Council plenary in Armagh in May and my attendance, accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy McEntee, at the 45th summit meeting of the British-Irish Council in Guernsey in July, alongside representatives of the governments of all eight member administrations.
On the shared island initiative, our programme for Government sets out an ambitious agenda, backed by our €2 billion commitment to the Shared Island Fund out to 2035. We are forging ahead with this investment and co-operation agenda across all sectors. The Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland meets twice yearly. It last met on 15 June. It is intended that it will meet again before the end of the year.
In recent days, there have been attempts to smear the good people of the Garvaghy Road as a mob. It brings to mind what James Connolly wrote about the concept of the mob, as in ordinary people. He wrote that the period where the mob had no power "was the blackest period in human history". He described the mob as a humanising civilising force and finished with the call of "All hail, then, to the mob, the incarnation of progress!" I had the pleasure of standing with this so-called mob over the weekend. They were the most welcoming, disciplined, steadfast and determined community you can imagine. It was these people - the over 1,000 people - who stood throughout the night while the rain came down who held the line against sectarianism. It was them and not the institutions, not the Parades Commission, which incredibly said that this sectarian, triumphalist march connected with murder should be allowed to proceed, and not the courts that upheld that decision. It was the people who held the line and stopped this opening up of a nightmare scenario, not just for the people in Portadown but for communities right across the North.
Has the Taoiseach communicated clearly to Prime Minister Burnham that this Orange Order march simply cannot proceed? That is the solution. The march needs to be stopped.
I just received a letter from a woman called Síle Carson. She is the sister of Daniel Carson who was killed by loyalist paramilitaries in 1973 in Belfast. He was killed just for being a Catholic. She was writing to thank me and us for standing with the residents of Drumcree against the threat of an Orange sectarian march going through the Garvaghy Road, given the history of loyalist killings and violence that led to the death of 21 people.
She was scathing about the Taoiseach's Government - she said I should say this to him - and Andy Burnham's failure to recognise that what is motivating Orange marchers wanting to go through the Garvaghy Road and that led to the death of her brother is naked sectarianism. It is a belief in being triumphalist and treating Catholics in the North as second-class citizens that led to those deaths - the tragic death of her brother and 21 others and many others - and she wants the Taoiseach and Andy Burnham to stand up for communities who are the subject of that kind of supremacist ideology and sectarian intimidation.
I thank the Taoiseach for that statement. Will he please comment further on his ongoing engagement and that of his Government with all political parties in the North outside of the NSMC structure and, following his meeting with the new Prime Minister Burnham on 18 September, on the joint priorities they have set out, given the fact there was the joint statement in Cork previously with the previous Prime Minister and on his conversations with the new Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Chris Bryant, in light of Drumcree, which the Taoiseach alluded to, the awful scenes we saw and in terms of the much-needed Stormont reforms?
There are no winners in what has happened on the Garvaghy Road in recent days. No one ever wins in the North when the politics of fear and division is prioritised. The PSNI had no information suggesting the proposed march would cause public disorder or damage to property and that appears to have been significant in the decision to let it proceed. Is the absence of conflict the measure of a harmonious reconciled society? What weight was given to the fear and hurt felt by people living on the road? What role can the Irish Government play in restoring calm, repairing relations and rebuilding confidence in the institutions intrusted with making decisions like this?
The Garvaghy Road residents have endured intimidation, violence and murder. They have shown extraordinary resilience and discipline but they should not be expected to endure that again. I was proud over the weekend to stand with residents of Bóthar Gharbhachaidh. Ní glacfaidh an pobal seo riamh arís le bheith caite mar shaoránaigh den dara grád. The community was resolute and clear that they will never again be treated like second-class citizens. They are first-class citizens in a first-class community. They are Irish citizens and the Taoiseach has an absolute obligation to vindicate their rights to live in their community, to live free from fear of sectarian intimidation and harassment. He must protect this community and protect the peace. The Secretary of State has power to make a determination that this march will not be forced through the community. The Taoiseach is the Head of Government and a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. Enough of the traditional fence-sitting. Statements are well and good but will he actually press the British Government now to take this march off the table?
I send solidarity to the residents of the Garvaghy Road. We met a delegation here last week and I salute their organisation and their determination. This is a working-class community standing up against a threat to drag Portadown and the North back to the past. The Orange Order seeking to push this march through is sectarian bullying. The march was always offensive to the community. It is not wanted. It is a catalyst for sectarian division. Children and adults have died in the past over this. Twenty-eight years without these sort of marches have been very helpful for this community. The cynical opening up of these old sectarian divisions is disgraceful. This is being dredged up, it would seem, by politicians to whip up division in an attempt to boost them ahead of elections next year, to divert attention maybe from sexual assault trials and so on. It is very important that working class people, Catholic and Protestant, stand together against this attempt to drag the North back into sectarianism.
Thank you, Deputy.
I will finish on this. What is the Taoiseach going to do? I do not believe the establishment can sit back and just allow this to happen. The Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister and the Secretary of State can intervene to stop these marches being enforced.
The Taoiseach has described the decision of the Parades Commission to permit an Orange Order parade along the Garvaghy Road as "incomprehensible and wrong", and he is right in that. For 28 years there has been no parade on that route and most right-thinking people anticipated that would remain the case. Peace must be protected. As co-guarantor, will the Taoiseach use the influence of this Government with the British Government to ensure the principles of the Good Friday Agreement, namely, equality, mutual respect and consent, are at the heart of finding a lasting resolution? There can be no unwanted Orange march on the Garvaghy Road. It is as simple as that.
Hear, hear.
The scenes on the Garvaghy Road last Sunday shocked people right across this island. A parade that had been off the agenda for 28 years was suddenly back, and thousands of people stood on the road to stop it. Thankfully, the day passed without serious violence and I commend all those who worked for calm. However, let us be honest about how we got here. This did not come from nowhere. For nearly three decades, too many of us on all sides mistook the absence of trouble for reconciliation. They are not the same thing. Unionism, nationalism, republicanism and, yes, both Governments let the slow work of building trust, dealing with the past and repairing relationships drift. Now, young people who never lived through the Drumcree incidents are being handed its bitterness. Peace has to be maintained and nurtured by all of us. Will the Taoiseach outline what steps the Government is taking with the British Government and the Northern Ireland Executive to support a structured mediation process on the Drumcree dispute? Will he commit to prioritising a properly resourced community reconciliation programme?
I welcome the fact that last Sunday the Taoiseach described the determination by the Parades Commission as "incomprehensible". I did not genuinely think we would be back watching scenes from Portadown, County Armagh on Sunday morning television which we, unfortunately, witnessed up to 1998. I am very glad the Taoiseach met Prime Minister Burnham and that he visited an Irish centre with him. I do not think we can ever pay enough tribute to the people and those volunteers in Irish centres throughout the world, particularly in Britain, and recognise the work they have done over the decades and that they continue to do today. It was clear from the communiqué after that meeting with the Prime Minister that there was a very thorough and relentless focus on legacy issues. They have to be dealt with because of reconciliation legacy. For far too long there are far too many families throughout this island waiting for the truth. They are waiting for the outcome of proper thorough investigations that have not been undertaken, whether it was on the bombings in Belturbet, other incidents across Cavan and Monaghan and the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. The legacy Bill, the new framework, has to be put in statute as soon as possible. For too many of the families with whom I have worked over the years say to me - as I have said so often in this House - that they are getting old and will be gone to their graves before they ever get the outcome in relation to the atrocity that took their loved family member away.
I thank all the Deputies who have spoken. Deputy Paul Murphy spoke first. Some people may have used that term "mob" but the vast majority of people have not. The vast majority of people realise the enormous generational trauma that people in Garvaghy and Drumcree have gone through over the past three decades in particular. That is the motivation to prevent us having to go back to that type of trauma ever again.
We have engaged with the British Government. We have let it know our view as to what has happened but also how we can perhaps move forward. If we look back over the past number of decades there has been significant advancements in a lot of community relations. The Department of foreign affairs - I have been there on a number of occasions - over 30 years, and before shared island funding, administered the reconciliation fund, which has been particularly effective at interface areas.
We have supported a lot of working class, sporting and cultural organisations, with a view to breaking down barriers in various communities that hitherto would have had significant issues and tensions. That work has been ongoing. In many ways, what the last number of days reveal is complacency but also the fragility of that and how things can reverse very quickly.
To everybody, yes, we, in this House, find it incomprehensible how the Parades Commission took the decision it took. I have made that clear. What I am focused on now is how we try to collectively mediate our way through this because ultimately the resolution of this has to involve all sides for it to be sustainable.
Deputy Boyd Barrett spoke about Síle Carson and that she said that we had failed to recognised sectarianism. No, we have not. The Irish Government has never failed to recognise sectarianism. The Irish Government and, in fact, the party I lead and other parties, were central to the Good Friday Agreement, which was to create parity of esteem between all traditions, between British and Irish citizenship within Northern Ireland, as well as the North-South Ministerial Council and so forth. I do not accept that assertion by Deputy Boyd Barrett at all, or by anybody in that respect. I do not believe the phrase the Deputy used. Nationalists are no longer second-class citizens in Northern Ireland.
The Orange Order wants to put them back there.
They are not, however, and never will be. The Good Friday Agreement was an enormous leap forward in that respect.
Deputy Devlin made a point about engagement. I was at Comhaltas's Fleadh Cheoil in Belfast only in August. It was an extraordinary success. Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann managed it very sensitively and, in fact, embraced all traditions within the celebration of Irish traditional music, including Loyalist bands, the Ulster-Scots dancing tradition and so on. That shows positively what can happen with constant engagement. We need that spirit back to try to deal with this current situation, which is very serious.
Deputy Currie is correct. The absence of conflict does not mean there are no threats. The role the Irish Government can play is clearly laid out. Parades have been a function of the Northern Secretary of State and the legislation is there. As co-guarantors, we are speaking to the British Government, The Minister, Deputy McEntee, is speaking to the Secretary of State and I have been engaging with the Prime Minister in relation to all of this.
Deputy McGuinness should stop using phrases like "traditional fence-sitting". That kind of carry-on is not going to solve anything. Everyone is this House is sincere about wanting to bring this to resolution. Let us not be so judgmental. There is no one sitting on fences here. We have all experienced too much violence on this island. It is easy to use catchphrases and soundbites to demonise people on either side of the House. That is not good enough. We had too much violence in the past. My objective has always been to protect people, including current and younger generations, from ever again having to go back to what generations had to experience in Northern Ireland. That is what we want to do.
There is no need for a parade to go down the Garvaghy Road. That is my view. Others have different views. By the way, parades happen all over Northern Ireland. Every parade is not a demonstration of domination. Where communities have agreed, they have agreed. This one has always been a particular issue. As people have pointed out, the amount of murder, death, destruction and trauma associated with this parade makes it exceptional and, therefore, requiring special treatment as well.
In terms of Deputy O'Sullivan's point, which was in response to Deputy Coppinger, the reconciliation fund in the Department of foreign affairs has done a lot of good work, which has been commented upon, and we will continue with it. Again, we are there to support the Garvaghy Road residents. We are there to support the communities in that area with any particular programme that they bring forward in respect of trying to build up trust and reconciliation. Likewise, through the shared island initiative, we stand ready to be of assistance in that regard.
We agree with Deputy Smith in respect of the decision by the Parades Commission. Yes, the Irish centre in Manchester that the British Prime Minister and I visited was reflective of the historical connections between Ireland and that part of Great Britain. The Irish connections there go back generations, to the 19th century, and there were very proud people there who continue that tradition of providing service to people in the area. When I visited the centre in New York with Mayor Mamdani, again, every person had a life story of connection to Ireland and also of building up the country they now live in.
On the legacy issue, that featured significantly during my meeting with Prime Minister Burnham. Again, I believe that this is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to get an agreement over the line on legacy, which has eluded us for 30 years, so that there is proper mechanism for families to get answers as best they can and to get closure in respect of their loved ones.
Cabinet Committees
Paul Murphy
Ceist:13. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66942/26]
Malcolm Byrne
Ceist:14. Deputy Malcolm Byrne asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will meet next. [66896/26]
Shay Brennan
Ceist:15. Deputy Shay Brennan asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [64293/26]
Naoise Ó Cearúil
Ceist:16. Deputy Naoise Ó Cearúil asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [64278/26]
Conor D McGuinness
Ceist:17. Deputy Conor D. McGuinness asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [67289/26]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:18. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66935/26]
Roderic O'Gorman
Ceist:19. Deputy Roderic O'Gorman asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66928/26]
Rose Conway-Walsh
Ceist:20. Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66920/26]
Ruth Coppinger
Ceist:21. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66870/26]
Darren O'Rourke
Ceist:22. Deputy Darren O'Rourke asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [66798/26]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:23. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [65515/26]
Duncan Smith
Ceist:24. Deputy Duncan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [68568/26]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 13 to 24, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on the European Union and international affairs was established by the Government on 18 February 2025. It meets quarterly, in advance of regular European Council meetings, and as required. Its role is to oversee implementation of programme for Government commitments in relation to the European Union, including Ireland's Presidency of the Council of the EU, and international issues. The Cabinet committee on European Union and international affairs last met on 29 June 2026.
As the House will be aware, Ireland's rotating Presidency of the EU Council commenced on 1 July. It is our eighth Presidency, and we are tasked with advancing the common European interest and improving the lives of citizens across the Union. We are prioritising work to enhance the competitiveness of Europe's economy, safeguard the fundamental values of our Union at home and abroad and provide for the security of our citizens. These three core themes - competitiveness, values and security - are closely interlinked and mutually reinforcing.
One of the most serious and important tasks we face is securing agreement on the Union's next long-term budget, known as the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, as soon as possible. It is clear that the European Union's ambitious agenda for the coming years will also need a budget that is appropriate to this ambition. We will seek to secure a solid basis for the future work of the Union through the negotiation of its next multi-annual financial framework.
Ireland is engaging intensively with each member state to understand its perspectives and priorities. Europe needs a budget that supports traditional and successful policies, such as CAP and cohesion, while also investing in our future competitiveness and economic prosperity. The proposals on the table include a new European competitiveness fund to help support Europe's future economic prosperity. We remain committed to agreeing the overarching MFF package by the end of this year. We know this will not be easy. Difficult choices and compromises will need to be made by all member states. We will work as an honest broker to try to narrow gaps and bring people together.
We are also advancing work on the One Europe, One Market roadmap which was agreed in April. It sets out the key steps that we must take together towards simplifying regulation, deepening the Single Market, widening our trade links, bringing down energy costs and ensuring Europe is positioned to take advantage of the digital and climate transitions.
Ireland is also working to move forward on enlargement of our Union. We want to ensure that those countries looking to join the European Union can move forward as fast and as far as possible, consistent with the efforts they are making to undertake the necessary reforms.
We will continue to offer unwavering support to Ukraine, whose people have shown such courage and determination in defending their country. They deserve a just and lasting peace.
Last week in New York, I undertook a series of engagements for UN high-level week. These included an event to mark one year since the New York declaration, hosted by President Macron, Prime Minister Carney and Prime Minister Burnham, and a high-level dialogue on Palestinian children in Israeli military detention. I also attended a UNICEF event on child nutrition where I was pleased to announce a new four-year programme to combat child malnutrition and hunger across Africa, with funding totalling €96 million.
I also attended the annual US host country reception, hosted by President Trump, and while at the UN, I held meetings with a number of other world leaders, including the Crown Prince of Jordan, the Iraqi Prime Minister, the Crown Prince of Kuwait and the Prime Minister of Moldova. The next meeting is on 1 October.
At the UN General Assembly, the Taoiseach said that "we, the collected international community, have failed Palestine". I could not agree more. The problem is that this applies to his Government as well. I know the Taoiseach finds this incredibly frustrating because he thinks he should just get applause for saying the right things, or some of the right things, about Palestine and should not be criticised for the lack of action. However, it is not unreasonable for us to say that the words have to be backed up by action. Earlier, in response to Deputy Coppinger, the Taoiseach said that he is focused on more important things than sport. That is fine, but then he is the one who gutted the occupied territories Bill, who opposes sanctions on Israel and who is part of a Government that is two years looking into the fact that flights illegally containing ammunition and weapons are going to Israel through our airspace. When it comes to the issue of sport and sportswashing, the Taoiseach cowardly hid behind the FAI. Deputy Barry Ward said on radio, when Gavin Bazunu came out clearly and it looked like others would do so too, that if the FAI had made a decision, it would have had the backing of the Government. Will the Taoiseach back the players if they say they are not going to go ahead with this game?
Ireland's Presidency gives us a real opportunity to tackle an issue that matters greatly to patients and families across Europe, that is, access to innovative medicines. I recognise that pricing and reimbursement remain national competencies. However, there is clear scope for greater co-operation between member states. Joint clinical assessments are now a reality and earlier this year the first EU assessment of a cancer medicine, tovorafenib, for children with low-grade glioma was published, with Ireland's National Centre for Pharmacoeconomics, NCPE, acting as the assessor. The challenge is that a common assessment does not guarantee common access and patients' chances of receiving a life-changing medicine can still depend on where they live. So, while the aforementioned drug, with the NCPE acting as its assessor, was approved in principle, we still do not have an application here in Ireland. Therefore, patients here with that disease do not have access to the drug. With the new EU pharmaceutical package adopted this week and health Ministers meeting in Dublin to discuss access to medicines, Ireland now has an opportunity to lead on this issue. Given that the presidential programme identifies equitable access to healthcare as a priority, what specific outcomes does the Government intend to achieve during our Presidency to reduce the disparities?
The Opposition would lead one to believe that this country has done absolutely nothing when it comes to Palestine. However, this country was one of the first countries in the world to enact an occupied territories Bill and now we have the UK and other countries throughout Europe following suit. There needs to be an acknowledgement of that.
I want to ask the Taoiseach about how we can make fundamental changes and put real pressure on Israel through the suspension of the EU-Israel trade agreement. Will the Cabinet committee be discussing how the Government can pursue a suspension of that agreement, moving forward?
Will the Taoiseach intervene urgently to secure access to Gaza for a mobile maternity unit funded by the community in west Waterford through a major fundraising campaign led by Gael ar son Gaza? We know the criminal Israeli regime has targeted medical personnel and medical infrastructure and this has led to there being no maternity facilities in the whole of Gaza. Women are giving birth in the most atrocious conditions and the impact on women - expectant and new mothers - and their babies is immense. It is part of Israel's genocidal campaign against the Palestinian people. It is an attack on newborns, pregnant women and maternity services. That is why the community in west Waterford and many other communities have raised money to fund mobile maternity units. However, Israel, in its callousness and inhumanity, is stopping them from entering Gaza so women are still giving birth under canvas and in tents, in the most medieval conditions. This summer, all but two of Ireland's MEPs co-signed a letter to Kaja Kallas seeking her intervention. I will not name the two MEPs who did not sign it but it is on the public record for those who are interested. Will the Taoiseach, in the context of Ireland's Presidency of the Council of the European Union, intervene and use every lever available to him and the EU to get these mobile maternity units into Gaza?
The Taoiseach said today that Benjamin Netanyahu, a wanted war criminal, does not care if Ireland plays a football game against Israel. That is not true. If people support BDS, they are not allowed into Israel. People can be jailed in Israel if they support BDS. Why? It is because Israel is terrified of boycott, divestment and sanctions and is terrified of people who tell the truth, that the Israeli state itself is based on apartheid, ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Palestinian people. That is why Israelis are worried and why Yoseph Haddad, who was in this building previously and who is a mouthpiece for Israel, was leading chants in the stadium, while the game was going on, in favour of the IDF, the force that has carried out the genocide. He was leading the chants. What kind of sick state cheers for armed forces engaged in a genocide? It is a state that is not a normal state, one that needs to be treated like apartheid South Africa was treated and needs to be boycotted, just as we boycotted apartheid South Africa. Why does the Taoiseach not show leadership, in the way Gavin Bazunu did, and give confidence and support to the footballers not to play this rogue regime?
Will the Cabinet agree to send an observer to the Ulm 5 trial in Germany? That trial is taking place without a transcript and without any observer, despite the Minister standing up over there and telling us that there would be oversight of the trial. How can we have oversight if there is no observer on behalf of the Irish Government? I remind the Taoiseach about his speech at the UN when he spoke about an affront to decency in relation to what is happening in Gaza and said that we must act. These young people did not carry out any violence and they have been remanded for over a year. One of them is Daniel Tatlow-Devally, an Irish citizen. I and other TDs and MEPs attended the trial and we saw for ourselves outrageous treatment of the defendants who were behind glass panels. They were not being listened to and were not able to communicate in an ongoing way with their teams. Their alleged crime was to show opposition to the genocide in Gaza by destroying the arsenal that is being built up there. When is the Taoiseach going to send an observer, as was promised by the Minister and the Government?
Business as usual with Israel is long beyond tenable. Ireland now holds the EU Presidency at a time when the EU's continued trade relationship with Israel is under intense scrutiny. I ask the Taoiseach to outline to the House the concrete steps he taking, as Taoiseach and holder of the EU Presidency, to build the necessary support among member states to suspend the trade elements of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Will he commit to making this a priority on the agenda of EU leaders?
At the Cabinet committee, will the Taoiseach back up his words at the UN General Assembly with three separate actions to strengthen support for the Palestinian people? First, in light of the British Government's policy reset and its stronger version of an occupied territories Bill, will the Government revisit its own Attorney General's advice as well as advice from Departments in relation to financial services and services in general and strengthen our own Bill? Second, will the Government follow the precedent set by Deputy Chambers in 2022 when, as Minister of State with responsibility for sport, he wrote to Irish sport's national governing bodies regarding a joint statement, signed by 37 other sports Ministers, which called for Russia and Belarus to be banned from hosting, bidding for or competing in international sporting events? Will the Government follow that precedent through, apply the same to Israel and stop this second game from happening? Third, following on from what Deputy Coppinger said, will the Government send an observer to the Ulm 5 trial, as promised, straight away?
I welcome the closer relationship between Ireland and the European Union on one side and Canada on the other side. I ask the Taoiseach to outline to the House how he envisages the proposal of associate membership of the European Union for Canada operating.
Will he outline when he expects full Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, ratification to proceed here in Ireland? In practical terms, does he see the possibility, either through Erasmus+ or Horizon Europe, of increased opportunities for educational exchange between higher education students and, as I would like to see, at second level as well? There is a big connection between south-west Wicklow, in my constituency, and Canada. More opportunities for exchange between our two countries would be welcome.
To Deputy Paul Murphy I would say that neither I nor the Government wants any applause. We just want balance and an acknowledgement that we have been the leading government in Europe, along with Spain, in supporting a Palestinian right to self-determination and in opposing the Israeli genocide in Gaza and what is amounting to ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.
On the humanitarian side, we have been strongly supportive. We have provided over €134 million in support for the people of Palestine since January 2023. That includes new funding of €42 million for the Palestinian people for 2026, of which more than €31 million has been paid to date. Either Deputy Murphy or Deputy Boyd Barrett said our words have not been backed up by any action. That is just untrue. The Deputies cannot get away with saying stuff like that. We have ensured there is continuing financial support to the Palestinian Authority. We have allocated approximately €78 million to UNRWA since 2023, of which €20 million was provided in 2026.
We intervened in South Africa's International Court of Justice case against Israel under the Genocide Convention. We made a submission to the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences of Israel's actions in the occupied Palestinian territories. We subsequently co-sponsored a resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 18 September 2024, which seeks to implement the court's advisory opinion. We have recognised Palestine as a sovereign independent state. Since 2024, there have been medical evacuations from Palestine of sick children, along with their family members, for treatment here, with plans ongoing for further missions. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported over 400 people to leave Gaza and travel to Ireland since the crisis began. We have led from the front on this issue. It is just nonsense to say we have only made statements and have taken no action.
We have done more than that. We also signed into law the Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Prohibition of Importation of Goods) Act. We were the first European Union country to announce measures prohibiting trade with Israeli settlements. We led the way on that issue, followed closely by Spain, and now other countries are pursuing it. I welcome the statements that have been made by the UK, France and Canada that they are also acting on the issue of trade with Israeli settlements. There has been a reset in respect of the UK. I welcome that and have spoken to Prime Minister Burnham about it. We continue to push for a ban on trade, including services, at EU level, where it would be far more effective.
The fundamental issue remains how to change the Israeli Government from pursuing the policies and militarisation campaign it is pursuing. That is the fundamental question. Within Europe, there has been division. Many member states, for historical reasons, have been very slow to hold Israel to account and have been very naive in accepting Israeli guarantees in respect of this all along the way.
Deputy Ó Cearúil asked about the suspension of the EU-Israel trade agreement. We are not yet in a position where we can get agreement on that. The High Representative has been pushing it at the Foreign Affairs Council. I have raised it at the European Council. Some member states are still very much against that.
Deputy McGuinness asked specifically about access for mobile maternity units to Gaza. When I was Minister for Foreign Affairs, I went to Rafah and witnessed at first hand the enormous volume of aid that was on the wrong side of Rafah, that is, it was not allowed in there. I was told last week that pencil kits were allowed in for little children. They were not allowed in before that because they included a tiny scissors, with nonsense spoken about them possibly being used as weapons. There is an incredibly malign and vicious approach from the Israeli authorities in respect of allowing aid into Gaza. I saw a mobile tent with coolers and so on that would have facilitated transport of vaccines and other medicine into Gaza. It was refused. There was so much stuff refused. Countries all over the world had made donations of medical equipment, including scanners and everything else. All of it was refused. It is appalling. That is what I said at the UN and I meant it. It is absolutely beyond human comprehension that any state would behave like this. I have spoken to President Trump about getting that aid into Gaza. I will send a specific message regarding the mobile maternity clinics.
Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan spoke about innovative medicines and joint clinical assessments across the EU. That is welcome. Common access is still some distance away but it is the best way to go and we will be pursuing it with the Commission. Historically, health systems have been very reluctant to have greater European harmonisation. Public health is probably the one area where we have had some success because of the Covid-19 experience, including the vaccines and all of that. The more we have a common approach in Europe, the better it will be all around for EU citizens. That is what a one-market approach means, by the way, and there should be a one-market approach in health and medicine as well. We now have common approval of medicines but, as the Deputy said, they go into the 27 individual member state approval processes. I will talk to the Minister for Health to work out how best we can pursue that at European Union level.
On Deputy Coppinger's question, my understanding is that our ambassador and officials from the consulate and the embassy have been at the trial to which she referred.
I have just spoken to Daniel's mother about it.
My understanding is that officials from the Department of foreign affairs and from the embassy have attended the trial. However, I will check that again with the Minister for foreign affairs. Certainly, there was an offer to visit those who are detained. They offered to visit and so on. I am not sure what was the response to that. I will check with the Minister.
On the football matches against Israel, the FAI has sought, through UEFA and otherwise, to exclude Israel from all competition. That would be the desirable outcome.
The first issue Deputy Smith raised concerned financial services.
Yes, Britain is including services, in accordance with the legal advice it has been given.
As I said earlier, we are pursuing that through the European Union. The advice from the Attorney General is very clear that implementation is impossible.
Spain, which is an EU member state, has included services. Now the UK is acting.
Deputy Malcolm Byrne asked about co-operation between the EU and Canada. What we are looking at here is a closer relationship between the two, with a significant pivot by Canada to Europe because of its trade issues with the US. It is a good idea to have second level participation in Erasmus+. I met with Prime Minister Carney after the state of the union address by President von der Leyen. He certainly is very keen to strengthen the relationship between Europe and Canada. I hope he will be here in November for the European Political Community meeting, at which we will continue to pursue these issues.
I hope CETA will be ratified by the end of the year. There are legal issues in terms of challenges. It is proving to be extraordinarily beneficial to the Irish economy and Irish SMEs, with a fivefold increase in exports. It baffles me why Opposition Members are consistently against that trade deal. It seems they, and Sinn Féin in particular, have relegated trade to the bottom of the barrel in terms of the issues they feel we should be concerned about. It just baffles me that Sinn Féin is taking legal action against a trade agreement that benefits jobs, workers and many companies in this country.