Vol. 1074 No. 3
86. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his views on the situation in Sudan, and the Government's position on same, in particular the need to ensure access to aid in El Fasher, and the flow of weapons to the conflict. [57183/25]
Baineann an chéad cheist leis an tSúdáin, that is, the humanitarian situation in Sudan which has been going on for two years now. There are many millions of people displaced and many millions facing severe malnutrition, even famine, particularly in the city of El Fasher in Darfur. This has been laid siege to by the RSF armed group and the Janjaweed. We discussed this in the past, but I am asking today specifically about the situation in El Fasher and the concerns that exist about the humanitarian situation there.
I thank Deputy Ó Laoghaire for this pertinent question.
The Government remains deeply concerned by the devastating conflict in Sudan, which has led to the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. More than 150,000 people have been killed and some 12 million people have been forcibly displaced. The conflict continues to have a catastrophic impact on civilians. Despite reports of better access in some areas in recent months, an already dire humanitarian situation is worsening due to large-scale displacement, with millions continuing to face acute hunger and famine. Of particular concern is the devastating impact the war continues to have on women and girls.
As alluded to by the Deputy, the situation in El Fasher where the Rapid Support Forces group, known as the RSF, has been laying siege to the city for over 500 days is particularly alarming. Ireland has consistently emphasised the need to maintain humanitarian access. Both parties to the conflict are responsible for obstructing aid and conducting attacks on aid convoys, resulting in untold suffering for the civilian population.
As Minister of State with responsibility for international development and the diaspora, I signed a joint statement by 30 countries condemning an attack on a convoy in El Fasher in June, as well as the ongoing attacks against civilians and humanitarian workers across Sudan. While representing Ireland at the United Nations General Assembly, I signed an Australian-led declaration for the protection of humanitarian workers.
More generally, Ireland continues to provide substantial humanitarian assistance. We recently announced a further package of €3 million in humanitarian assistance. This brings our commitment this year to €14.3 million to support communities in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. We are gravely concerned by reports that arms continue to reach parties to the conflict, despite existing UN and EU embargoes and sanctions. Along with our EU and other like-minded partners, we have called on all external actors directly or indirectly supplying arms and funds to the parties to cease their support immediately. Progress towards the resolution of the conflict will require significant political will from the warring parties and the international community in order to find a peaceful way forward. Ireland stands ready to lend its support to these efforts.
The Minister of State is likely aware that in the English-speaking world, one of the most prominent journalists drawing attention to this situation is Declan Walsh, a journalist from The New York Times. Mr. Walsh, an Irishman who has written extensively on this conflict, wrote a piece at the start of the month describing the situation in El Fasher. He interviewed a gentleman, Dr. Omar Selik, who cried during the interview as he described "how a pregnant woman had bled to death in his care for want of simple medicines". The article explained that Dr. Selik's lunch consisted of "a plate of lumpy brown mush, animal fodder normally fed to camels and cows." This was the situation. Dr. Selik was killed several days later during an attack on a mosque by the RSF which killed 75 people. The situation in that part of Darfur and in Darfur generally is very severe.
I understand there have been negotiations involving President Donald Trump's envoy to Africa, Mr. Boulos, for increased access of aid to El Fasher and the surrounding area. Is the Irish Government aware of whether there has been any progress on that or if there is any relief regarding what was effectively a complete blockage on aid into that area?
To be frank, the two main parties to this conflict - the Sudanese Armed Forces, SAF, and the RSF - show absolutely no signs of willingness to negotiate a ceasefire, let alone a peace agreement. The conflict is becoming increasingly internationalised with external actors involved, refugee displacement and spillover risks, including in neighbouring Chad and South Sudan.
Since the beginning of 2025, the SAF has made significant military gains and ousted the RSF from Khartoum. The RSF holds most of Darfur and has been laying siege, as the Deputy said, to El Fasher, the last stronghold, for over 500 days. Frankly, there has been very limited humanitarian access to El Fasher. The conditions described and borne witness to by Declan Walsh are as bad as can be imagined. I do not in any way underestimate this. It is the worst humanitarian disaster happening in the world today. The outlook is considerably bleak as it stands. From an Irish point of view, we will of course continue to fund and work every avenue possible to bring peace to the area, but also to increase and add volume to humanitarian aid and, crucially, access.
I appreciate the Minister of State's comments and agree with him. It is an extraordinarily severe humanitarian situation. People are facing starvation and dying for lack of food and medicine, while the conflict carries on unabated. This is being exacerbated by the flow of weapons. It has been alleged that certain countries are continuing to supply a significant amount of weapons both to the Sudanese Government and to the RSF. The Irish Government is likely aware of some of these reports. Some of the countries in question deny they are supplying arms but they are coming from somewhere; that is for sure. Has the Irish Government directly raised with the governments of the countries in question its concerns regarding the continued flow of weapons to the area, which continues to exacerbate what is an appalling conflict that is causing enormous human suffering?
Ireland is gravely concerned by reports that arms continue to reach parties to conflict in Sudan despite existing UN and EU embargoes and sanctions. Specific allegations of embargo and sanction violations are primarily pursued through the appropriate multilateral forums, including the UN Security Council, the European Union and the relevant UN sanction committees. Through these channels, Ireland continues to call on all parties to comply fully with their obligations and to refrain from any action that could fuel further violence.
Ireland initially had discussions on EU sanctions in 2023 which led to the establishment and implementation of EU sanctions targeting both parties to the conflict and, crucially, their backers. At the May 2025 meeting of the EU-Gulf Co-operation Council political committee, Ireland spoke on behalf of the EU and stressed the need to use every influence to prevent external actors providing arms to combatants and to unite in favour of peace. This is a conflict and a situation which requires far more attention. I am particularly grateful to the Deputy for raising it in this forum and hopefully we can continue to push on.
Have we raised it directly with the governments in question?
We have to raise it through the UN multilateral forums and all appropriate forums.
That would be appropriate.
87. Deputy Duncan Smith asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his engagement with the European Union and other allies in regard to the peace deal in the Middle East; the role Ireland will play in delivering aid; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57172/25]
It feels odd asking a question about a peace plan and a ceasefire when we see continued attacks perpetrated by Israel on Gaza but we are ostensibly in a peace plan space. I met the Palestinian ambassador last week who was looking forward with hope that we can move towards a real and just peace. There is a long road to go but what is Ireland doing now that we have moved to - hopefully - a phase where we can look forward regarding Gaza?
Today, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, and I met Tom Fletcher, as did the Taoiseach and, I think, the President. Tom Fletcher is the humanitarian chief of the UN and he has just come back from Gaza. He is literally one of the few people you can speak to who has been on the ground in Gaza. As the Deputy correctly alluded to at the start, the fragility of the ceasefire is very real. It was good to be able to have a conversation with someone in charge of humanitarian aid in the United Nations who is now talking about getting to a point where up to 4,000 trucks per week can get in to Gaza. They are planning, as the Deputy says, to get that flood of aid going, which is some reason for encouragement and hope after such a bleak, horrific humanitarian crisis, a genocide and a famine. I welcome the ceasefire and the hostage release agreement, which is a significant moment of hope. I welcome the release of living hostages and that the process to return the remains of those who were killed has begun. In this first phase, preserving the ceasefire agreement and ensuring humanitarian aid enters Gaza at scale is a central focus of all of my engagement with international counterparts, including EU colleagues yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council.
The Israeli blockade on humanitarian aid has resulted in famine and untold horror for people in Gaza. Ireland stands ready to assist in every practical way to achieve long term and sustainable peace and to alleviate human suffering. Last week, I announced an additional humanitarian package of €6 million for Palestine. This contribution brings Ireland’s support for the people of Palestine since October 2023 to more than €95 million and support in 2025 to over €35 million. The funding allocated last week provides money for the likes of UNICEF, the World Food Programme and the World Health Organisation. This is an important and practical way in which we can help.
At EU level, the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice-President Kaya Kallas, has been clear that the peace plan requires strong international backing to succeed and that the EU stands ready to do its part. The situation in Gaza and in the West Bank is being discussed at every level, and was at the centre of discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg yesterday. In my intervention at the meeting, I called for the EU to support the flooding of humanitarian aid into Gaza. Ireland will also continue its diplomatic efforts, stressing that the two-state solution must be at the centre of any sustainable peace deal.
What pressure are we able to exert on our European allies and on Israel to ensure that UNRWA can get back up and running as best it can? In fairness, we in Ireland tried to continue to fund UNRWA over the last couple of years when others were pulling back and bowing to Israeli pressure. In calmer times, Ireland has been able to assist and help deliver structural aid in Gaza, such as a solar farm, wastewater treatment plants and desalination plants. We are still at a point where we are hoping to get trucks in to deliver proper emergency aid. Does Ireland stand ready to be able to assist in the more structural, medium- to long-term peace as we have in the past?
Yes, is the short and blunt answer. The Deputy has probably heard in recent days that there are now plans for a reconstruction conference on Gaza. This is likely to be in Cairo next month. We need to see where the invitations go but Ireland will certainly be represented there at a senior level. There will be an opportunity for Ireland, along with other international partners, to see what more we can do. The Deputy is entirely correct that the immediate focus is flooding Gaza with humanitarian aid. In a practical sense that meant 750 tents from Ireland being sent to Gaza. When we spoke to Tom Fletcher today that was a specific reference to a practical support from the Irish people last week. It is a question of how we get into that space of working in, as the Deputy says, an area that we are usually pretty good in and where we have a good track record. Yesterday, at the Foreign Affairs Council I raised the issue of UNRWA. We also discussed it today with the UN representative. I was very pleased that at the European Union level yesterday, talking about the primacy of the UN agencies in terms of humanitarian aid was a clear focus. The alternative that was put in place was a real disaster.
The US Vice President has been in Israel and has been talking about this peace plan albeit 153 tonnes of bombs were dropped by Israel on Gaza yesterday. The US Vice President spoke about a stabilisation force and a peace force. We have a proud tradition in that region of peacekeeping. However, given what we are debating in the coming weeks and months in terms of the triple lock and the future of our peacekeeping - I am conscious that we are very early - have there been discussions in relation to peacekeeping? I have huge concerns regarding how this is fermenting, at a structural level being led by the US. It is important that we ask the question here because we have two really proud pillars of Irish foreign policy, namely, development aid and peacekeeping, both of which will be at play here. Will the Tánaiste make a comment on peacekeeping?
The European Union welcomes the peace plan. It is imperfect, as all peace plans are. We also have to be very honest that there is a lot of high-level detail in the peace plan. As phase two commences and we begin to flesh out what some of these things look like and how they operate it is going to be a real challenge. Yes, we have got to keep the pressure on Israel 100%, and we also have got to keep the pressure on Hamas. We have watched the public executions carried out by Hamas on innocent Palestinian people. Hamas has no future for the people of Palestine. It is certainly not part of the fabric of the people of Palestine and we need to be very clear on this. Neither I nor the Government have been part of any conversations on an international stabilisation force. Of course, we would be willing to have such a conversation but my initial reaction would be in line with the Deputy's. I remain to be convinced that Ireland could play a constructive role in any such force at this moment.
88. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the current progress of the drafting of the Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Prohibition of Importation of Goods) Bill 2025. [57184/25]
Like many others in the House, I welcome the fact that a peace plan has taken some form. I am very concerned about the fragility of it. Dozens of people have been killed even since the ceasefire. As the Tánaiste noted, extra-judicial killings are to be condemned as well, so undoubtedly the peace is very fragile. As with any peace, a ceasefire is only part of it. A political solution needs to be a part of it too and part of that needs to be ensuring the application of international law. Therefore, it should remain the position of the Irish Government that in the occupied territories, the illegal settlements need to be treated as illegal and the occupied territories Bill needs to give effect to that.
That remains my position and that of the Government. I think it is objectively fair to say, and there is not much disagreement on this across the House, that the immediate focus has been on the humanitarian aid and supporting the peace plan, on seeing the ceasefire and the hostages being released and looking at practical ways that we can help. International law remains international law and breaches of international law remain breaches of international law. The commitment in the programme for Government on the occupied Palestinian territories remains consistent. In June, as the Deputy knows, the Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. The main purpose of the Bill is to prohibit the trade into the State from Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem.
The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade held a number of hearings on the general scheme and received submissions representing a range of views and perspectives. I see the Chairman of the committee, Deputy Lahart, is here and I thank him for his work. Pre-legislative scrutiny is an important part of the legislative process. Detailed work to analyse the report and recommendations is well under way, with a view to getting the best and most robust legislation. The next steps in the process, including the timeline for the progress of the Bill will be considered by Government shortly. I think I gave an indication about the timeline during the debate in the House on the flotilla.
Notwithstanding the positive and welcome recent developments regarding the ceasefire and the hostage release deal in Gaza, Deputy Ó Laoghaire is right that it is extraordinarily fragile. We need to keep all of our options very much there. Now is not the time to remove such actions and we have made that view very clear at an EU level as well. It is still our intention to proceed as planned.
What is planned is perhaps not crystal clear to those of us on this side of the House at this point. I think many people would have been concerned by the Taoiseach's comments last week that seemed to suggest that it was simply not practical to ban services. A number of questions arise in relation to that. The Tánaiste has said in the past that there is no difference between the Government and the Opposition in relation to policy on this. Much of what the Taoiseach seemed to flag were differences of policy in relation to implications and so on, rather than legal issues. Regarding the practicality of the legal issues, it is the case that the sanctions that were placed against Russia and Russian occupied parts of Ukraine, did include a ban on services. While I appreciate that this came a European initiative, ultimately, the practical effect of it within this jurisdiction is the same. It implies the same obligation and burden on companies to ensure due diligence and the same obligations on the Tánaiste's Department to ensure it also. What is the difference between the situation there and the situation in Palestine?
My position remains the same as I outlined in this House many times. Of course, I am going to discuss and engage with Government colleagues on this and the Government will obviously make its decision as a collective and present its legislation to the Oireachtas. I will dutifully debate that back and forth in this House. I need to allow that process to take its course. I have respect for the way the Government makes decisions.
While I reiterate my commitment to the legislation, I also remind people why we talked about the legislation in the first place - certainly why I did. I talked about using all the levers at our disposal to bring about a ceasefire. There is now a ceasefire. The ceasefire is very fragile. At EU level, I spoke about using all the levers at our disposal to help change the calculus, get Netanyahu to a ceasefire and end the genocide. We now have that fragile ceasefire but it is fragile, and as people have referenced, there have been incursions and moments of significant concern, even in the past few days. Therefore, it is right and proper that we are dynamic in how we continue to respond to this situation, but we now have aid flowing into Gaza, we have a peace plan that needs to be pursued, we have the hostages back in the arms of their loved ones, and we have the remains of deceased hostages being released and the rest need to be. We also need to get on to the very thorny and tricky issue of how one governs and reconstruct Gaza and bring about a two-state solution.
That does not necessarily make it any clearer as to what exactly will be in this Bill. Ireland is not a major country in the grand scheme of these things. It is about using what levers are at our disposal. There have been a number of levers and recognition was important. This is important. Had we not had this debate over the past number of years about this, it would not have ended up being discussed in so many other jurisdictions, including in the options paper at European Commission level, so it is important. It is also important that the example being set by Ireland and potentially being followed by others, although others have now taken further initiatives, is strong. There is no legal reason not to include services. There is no moral reason. It is already the position of this Government that people should not trade with the occupied territories. What this Bill proposes to do is make that a criminal offence. I think this is right. It should be a criminal offence with regard to goods and it is not more morally acceptable for somebody to trade in services with the occupied territories, so it is the morally correct thing to do to ensure that there is a legal ban on that and that is a criminal offence. No reason has been produced as yet to say why it is any different in terms of services or why that is more legally challenging.
I agree that just because we are a small country is not a reason not to do something. More and more over recent years in the European Union, many coalitions of small and medium-sized countries have come together to work on issues and that has helped move the dial at European level and sometimes at an international level. Recognition was one, as was the fact that we went from being one of only two countries to seek a review of the association agreement to getting to 17 and then 19 was another, along with the fact that we were in a minority view that there should be actions taken on foot of that to that now being in my opinion a majority view. Whether it is a qualified majority remains to be tested. What we have been doing here in this Oireachtas on behalf of the people of Ireland has had an impact at European level.
I want to be respectful to the process we must go through in government. People know and understand that. I have outlined to the House what the Government will do. We have the pre-legislative report of the Oireachtas committee and will be considering our next steps. We will decide on that shortly and I will update the House.
89. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade in the context of the recent ceasefire, the steps Ireland is taking to pursue accountability over the genocide in Gaza, and the continued occupation of the West Bank; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [57171/25]
I know we all welcome the ceasefire in Gaza, fragile as it is, as we heard this evening, but it is disheartening that Palestinians continue to die at the hands of Israel. With continuing illegal annexation of the West Bank and the Tánaiste's own words calling what happened in Gaza a genocide, what is he doing to seek accountability for these crimes against humanity?
Like the Deputy, I welcome the announcement that Israel and Hamas have agreed on the first phase of a deal to end the horrors in Gaza and to try to bring about peace. I also warmly welcome the release of 20 Israeli hostages after two long years in captivity. Every effort must also be made to find and release the bodies of the remaining hostages. Our focus must now be on preserving the ceasefire and flooding Gaza with desperately needed humanitarian aid. The people of Gaza have endured unimaginable suffering. In all my conversations with Arab nations, and I have had many, and in all my conversations with European counterparts and the UN, that is the plea of the region. It is the plea of the people of Gaza, the Palestinian Authority and Arab nations. That is where our focus is. However, the Deputy is right that there does need to be accountability. We cannot just say we will seize the ceasefire now and everything moves on. I get that point too.
Ireland has consistently been at the forefront of calls for Israel to comply with international law. We always stress the universal applicability of international law, including international humanitarian law. That is why we were the first to write to the President of the European Commission requesting an urgent review of Israel’s compliance with its human rights obligations under the association agreement. The subsequent review led to the package of proposals from the Commission, including the proposed suspension of the core trade-related provisions of the association agreement. Notwithstanding the positive and welcome recent developments, Ireland has made it clear that the EU must keep the package of measures proposed by the Commission in response to Israeli human rights and other breaches on the table. I underlined this point at the Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg yesterday.
With regard to ensuring Israel’s compliance with international law and accountability regarding that, Ireland has filed a declaration of intervention at the International Court of Justice, ICJ, in South Africa’s case against Israel under the Genocide Convention. Ireland also filed a detailed written submission within the ICJ in advisory proceedings concerning the obligations of Israel in relation to the UN and other international organisations as well as states in the occupied Palestinian territory.
Ireland is a strong supporter of the International Criminal Court and we view it as the cornerstone of our international system of criminal justice. We will continue to work with our international partners, including within the EU, to support the ICC in fulfilling its mandate. We are also providing very practical support to the Palestinian Authority and its reform agenda thereto.
With respect, the Government has kicked the occupied territories Bill down the road. It appears set to exclude services, despite that being legally necessary and legally possible and recommended by Government backbenchers on the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade. The ceasefire does not negate the ICJ ruling on the occupied territories, neither do statements on difficulties with services. We already have to differentiate on services from the occupied Palestinian territories under the EU-Israel association agreement, so it can be done.
Just as pressing and as important is the need not to forget that Israel committed genocide in Gaza. We all want a world where genocide does not happen. For that to be a reality, we need to create that world. We need to create accountability and we need to show that there are consequences for states that commit genocide, so what is the Government doing to fulfil that obligation with regard to Israel?
We are taking action under the International Court of Justice. That is how it works. That is how we hold people to account at international level. We support the international courts and make a submission. It used to be the demand of the Opposition that we would do that. We have done that. We remain committed in respect of that but we also remain committed to the peace plan. I presume that is a plan the Deputy supports. We have to give this plan an opportunity. We have to give the opportunity for peace. Yes, we must pursue accountability and, yes, Israel has committed genocide. I do not dispute those facts at all. Yes, we will continue with the case before the ICJ and work with South Africa. We will continue to support the ICC. All of that is true but it is also true and reasonable to say to the starving people of Gaza today that our priority now is flooding Gaza with humanitarian aid. Our priority now is making sure that the peace plan works and that will involve Israel living up to its obligations but also Hamas. It needs to get off the stage. It needs to disarm. It has no future under this peace plan. There is no future for a terrorist organisation. We know what it is like in this country to have our identity hijacked by a terrorist organisation that offer the people of this country no future. Hamas now needs to get off the stage and give the Palestinian people a chance.
Of course I support the peace and of course we also support the priority of delivering aid to the starving people of Palestine, but that does not remove the elephant in the room of the occupied territories Bill, because that is the very tangible way we can enact sanctions and action against Israel. The aid and leadership we provided are very welcome, but people are keen to hear that, just because there is a ceasefire, that does not mean we continue to trade with illegal Israeli settlements in violation of international law. Just because there is a ceasefire does not mean Israel is not in violation of human rights clauses in the EU-Israel association agreement. Just because there is a ceasefire does not mean that the genocide did not happen and that people and nations should not be held accountable, because the ceasefire has not meant an end to the injustice, occupation and the killing of Palestinians. It is on us to press for action when many would be more comfortable moving on and pretending it is all fine now. Our eyes are open. We cannot say we did not know and we must not say that we did not act.
Fundamentally I do not disagree with what the Deputy said. I would like to see the occupied Palestinian territories not occupied. I would like to see a Palestinian state. I would like to see a peace plan that provides an opportunity for a state of Palestine alongside a state of Israel and people living in peace and security in both of them, so yes, we should move ahead with the occupied Palestinian territories but we should also use every bit of diplomatic heft we have in Ireland, the EU and the UN and work with our Arab friends and colleagues to try to end the occupation of the occupied Palestinian territories.
We have to focus on that too - and I know we agree on that - but we remain committed to the legislation. I outlined that to the House tonight. I will be back with an update shortly on it. However, we are also saying that in a different context from the one we were in only a number of weeks ago. The Deputy is right that the genocide cannot be forgotten or undone. There has to be accountability. I do not dispute any of that, but we also have a chance now, albeit a fragile one, to try to secure peace and implement the peace plan. There is no plan B. That is why we have to put our shoulders to the wheel on that too.
90. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for an update on his Department’s recent engagements with the Government of Ukraine in relation to the ongoing conflict, and efforts made to reach a ceasefire. [57185/25]
We had a beneficial engagement with the Ukrainian ambassador, H.E. Ms Larysa Gerasko, last week. She provided an update on the considerable challenges facing the Ukrainian people in their fight with the Russian Federation. The war of aggression has been going on for a number of years. There are a number of upsetting elements to it, in particular the abducted children. Will the Tánaiste give an update on the Irish Government's actions in relation to Ukraine?
I thank the Deputy for raising the issue of the abducted children. It was brought up yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council by the Commissioner and the European Commission now intends to hold a specific summit on this in early 2026. That is in addition to the other activities under way in the various international coalitions, including some Ireland is part of. The Deputy is right to put a spotlight on this. It is one of the particularly cruel and despicable aspects of Russia's illegal aggression and invasion of Ukraine.
I regularly engage with Ukraine's political leadership through our embassy in Kyiv and its embassy in Dublin. There is a strong channel of engagement between our Governments. At an EU level, I work closely with counterparts on the Foreign Affairs Council, together with whom we remain committed to working with Ukraine to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. The Ukrainian foreign minister frequently joins the Foreign Affairs Council by video-call. In fact he joined it yesterday in person. I also had a bilateral meeting with him last month in New York during the UN high-level week. As part of that meeting, I, along with the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, announced a further €33.5 million in humanitarian development and peace supports which will provide crucial support for Ukrainian suffering as a result of Russian aggression.
The Taoiseach spoke to President Zelenskyy on 1 September and reaffirmed Ireland's strong support for and solidarity with the Ukrainian people. The Government continues to participate in the coalition of the willing meetings. Ukraine is engaging positively and constructively in discussions on a potential ceasefire, despite the Russian military assault on its towns, cities, ports and critical infrastructure.
It is clear that one country is so far showing no interest in peace and that is Putin's Russia. We all want to give peace a chance. We all want to get to a lasting, enduring peace, but the rest of the world is talking about this while Putin is still carrying out terror activities on the civilian population. Russia is not taking seriously in any way the prospect of a ceasefire. It remains intent on escalating its aggression so we need to continue to look, at an EU level, at what we can do to increase the pressure on Putin to get him to the negotiating table. That is why we are preparing a 19th package of sanctions, which I hope the European Council will be in a position to agree later this week.
Exploration of such matters is important and a lot of what Ireland is in a position to do is at a European level. As a lot of actions are being blocked by particular member states, such as Hungary and perhaps others in other circumstances, it is important that we continue to examine what actions Ireland can take by itself.
The Tánaiste has had communication and some work has been done on dual-use technologies that potentially - inadvertently - end up in the hands of Russia to be used as weaponry. It has been a while since there has been much discussion of this, but at the start of the conflict, there was some discussion on Russian companies using section 110 shell organisations to avoid sanctions. I think some action was taken to resolve that. Is the Tánaiste satisfied that to the best of his knowledge that issue has been entirely resolved and that no sanctions are being evaded in that manner?
I am satisfied that the tightening up of the sanctions regime is of significant assistance but I am also clear that there are always people looking to get around the sanctions. Russia is always looking to get around the sanctions, to be specific. That is why when the package comes forward - we need to see the 19th package agreed, I hope this week - we need to start preparation of the 20th package and a focus on the shadow fleet and removing any reliance Europe has on energy from Russia as quickly as possible.
The Deputy is right to call it out. Hungary is behaving in a really bad way in this. We have to be brutally honest about that. It is trying to block solidarity efforts. The EU 27 could not agree a statement condemning the attack by Russia on our EU delegation office in Kyiv because Hungary did not want to agree to a line that blamed Russia for the attack. That is what we are dealing with and it needs to be called out. However, we are finding ways of getting on with it. For example, while Hungary might have blocked the drawdown of funding under the European Peace Facility, EPF, we have now provided direct funding of €100 million, as the Deputy will remember, through other avenues we came up with, working with Denmark and Lithuania. We need to continue to move forward with that.
We have discussed Ireland and the EU. If anything can be assessed from the past few years, it is that the United States still carries a huge amount of influence. Who deserves credit for various ceasefires can be debated. A peace deal in Gaza is welcome, but it is clear that where the US wishes to exert influence and pressure, it achieves results in many instances. What is the Tánaiste's assessment of the American position at this point? It seems that Russia and Vladimir Putin have been allowed to pay limited lip service to negotiations without ever having to meaningfully engage in them. They have not felt the pressure they ought to have felt. Europe is maybe attempting to exert more influence, although it is facing certain roadblocks, as we discussed. I am curious about the Tánaiste's assessment of the US position at this time and how it can more fruitfully bring pressure to bear.
I genuinely believe the US Administration and President Trump want to see an end to the war. I believe they want to see a ceasefire. It is fair to say that there have been different tactical or strategic approaches to how to bring that about on both sides of the Atlantic. Europe has been clear on the sanctions and the need to exert maximum economic pressure. However, - and I say this quite objectively; I picked this up at our meeting in Luxembourg yesterday - there are now good lines of communication between European leaders and the Trump Administration. It is important we keep closely aligned on this. While we might have different political perspectives from time to time across the Atlantic Ocean, we have always cherished certain values, such as freedom, democracy, not rewarding aggression, territorial integrity and sovereignty and peace.
The idea that there is now likely to be some engagement between President Putin and President Trump on European Union soil in Hungary is somewhat provocative. We want to make sure the EU and US are very aligned on what might take place at those talks.
