Vol. 1076 No. 4
6. Deputy Tony McCormack asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she will provide an update on Ireland’s current diplomatic priorities in light of recent international developments, with particular reference to Ireland’s role in promoting peace, security, and the protection of human rights abroad; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66633/25]
I thank the Deputy for his timely question. Ireland's diplomatic priorities are set out in the Department of Foreign Affair and Trade's statement of strategy for 2025 to 2028, which includes active diplomatic engagement in promoting peace, security and the protection of human rights abroad. We pursue these objectives against the backdrop of a changing geopolitical landscape and a wide range of challenges that require global solutions. In this context, the Government prioritises reinforcing the multilateral system and the international legal order with the UN Charter at its heart. The Government also prioritises developing and maintaining strong and wide-ranging bilateral relations with key international partners.
Our membership of the European Union, the world's longest and most successful peace project, is central to how we ensure our security, prosperity and well-being as a country. As the Minister outlined to Deputy Ó Muirí, our preparations to hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the latter half of next year are well under way.
Ireland is actively engaged in international efforts to bring an end to Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. The Government is committed to providing continued political, humanitarian, economic and non-lethal military support to Ukraine. Responding to conflict in the Middle East is also a priority. The Government consistently advocates at EU and UN level for the two-state solution and the equal right to self-determination, peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike, as well as full adherence to international law and international humanitarian law.
Ireland continues to prioritise to the promotion of human rights in a period where human rights norms are facing considerable pushback. Reflecting our commitment in this area, Ireland's campaign for the election to a seat on the Human Rights Council from 2027 to 2029 was launched last week in New York. Ireland prioritises engagement in support of a stable and secure international environment through conflict prevention, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, disarmament and non-proliferation, and promoting the resolution of disputes through multilateral diplomacy based on the principles of the UN Charter. The Government also makes sure that we have a full focus on foreign and security policy and common security and defence policy in a range of multilateral institutions, including the UN, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD, and the Council of Europe.
The Minister of State mentioned Ireland's commitment to peace and human rights. Given that negotiations between Russia and Ukraine are now under way, can Ireland use its strong reputation for principled diplomacy to support these efforts? Does the Minister of State see a role for Ireland within the EU, UN or OSCE in helping to reinforce the conditions for a credible, just and durable peace, including humanitarian protections and respect for international law?
There are a couple of elements to that. The negotiations under way in Geneva between the US and Ukraine are welcome, but Ireland is not a direct party to them. One issue that came up at the Foreign Affairs Council, which I attended virtually yesterday, was the need for there to be an EU track to the negotiations. While there are three European countries around the negotiations, we want to make sure there is a real EU voice. Within that EU voice will be Ireland's voice. Ireland is clear that we want a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, one that is based on international law and respecting the territorial sovereignty of the people of Ukraine. To be blunt, there can be nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. Equally, there can be nothing about Europe without Europe. Ireland will continue to push at UN level the need to respect international law. There are a number of cases before various international courts that Ireland will be a party to, highlighting concerns in relation to human rights abuses and, as the Minister alluded to, in relation to the forced abduction of children from Ukraine.
Ireland's own peace process culminating in the Good Friday Agreement was built on dialogue, patience, international support and the difficult work of building trust between communities. With negotiations now taking place between Russia and Ukraine, does the Department see scope for Ireland to share the lessons we learned from our experience in areas like mediation, inclusive dialogue, confidence building and reconciliation?
Is the Government prepared to offer that expertise through purely civilian and diplomatic channels to international partners supporting this peace process?
Yes, absolutely. When there is a ceasefire and a peace agreement in Ukraine, Ireland is fully prepared to play a real part in that. Just two weeks ago, I was in Colombia, one of 13 Irish Aid countries, and our programme work there is solely in relation to peace. The experience of Ireland has been put into action to uphold the 2016 peace agreement. I visited projects with decommissioned FARC guerillas who were being supported by the Irish Government to turn their backs on violence, engage on peace and lead far better lives. This is the sort of thing that we can offer to the world. Deputies in this Chamber regularly refer to this in the context of the situation in the Middle East, and that is true too. There are lots of Irish NGOs working in places like Ramallah in this regard.
Ukraine offers us a great opportunity but, first and foremost, let there be no equivocation about our support for the people of Ukraine. We want to make sure that real peace comes to Ukraine and that this happens through an absolute ceasefire as soon as possible.
7. Deputy Liam Quaide asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she has engaged, or plans to engage, with the UK authorities regarding the treatment and prosecution of members of Palestine Action and those who have expressed solidarity with the group; if she will raise concerns about the protection of the rights to peaceful protest, fair trial and humane conditions of detention; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66238/25]
Has the Minister, her immediate predecessor or anyone in her Department engaged with the UK authorities regarding the Palestine Action group, which was proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the UK Government in July? The group was blacklisted for instigating a number of direct action protests against weapons manufacturers involved in selling arms to Israel in the context of its campaign of genocide and ethnic cleansing in Gaza against the civilian population there since October 2023.
Ireland maintains regular and constructive dialogue with UK authorities at all levels on a wide range of matters. In the last week, I have engaged with my UK counterpart since taking up office and I look forward to meeting with the UK's Foreign Secretary, Ms Yvette Cooper, shortly to take forward our co-operation on a range of foreign policy issues.
An important area of engagement between the UK and Ireland is on Middle East policy, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I particularly welcome the British Government's decision in September to formally recognise the State of Palestine and its active engagement in the 20-point peace plan to end the conflict in Gaza, which was endorsed by the UN Security Council on 17 November.
I welcome the ceasefire and hostage release deal in Gaza as an important step on the road to peace. Our focus is now on preserving the ceasefire and ensuring that humanitarian aid flows into and throughout Gaza. Ireland has been clear that all parties must adhere to their commitments in full, desist from any actions inconsistent with what has been agreed and continue to negotiate in good faith to ensure full implementation.
In respect of the British Government's decision to designate Palestinian Action as a terrorist organisation under its Terrorism Act, I understand that this decision is subject to judicial review and is currently before the High Court in London. The Deputy will appreciate that I cannot comment on a live case that is before the British courts, in the same way that I would not comment on something that is before the Irish courts. More broadly, though, the Government remains committed to upholding human rights, including those pertaining to freedom of expression and the right to peaceful protest, both domestically and internationally. These fundamental rights are enshrined in international human rights instruments to which both Ireland and the United Kingdom are signatories. These are issues that would regularly be discussed as part of overall political dialogue between Ireland and all of its partners, including the UK.
My Department will continue to monitor developments in this area, including in respect of any cases involving Irish citizens. The provision of consular assistance to Irish citizens is an important element of the work of my Department. Consular assistance is provided in a strictly confidential manner and, as with all cases, my Department does not comment on the details of individual cases. That said, we are there to support any Irish citizens.
The UK Government has, in an Orwellian inversion of truth, conflated protest against genocide with terrorism through its proscription of the Palestine Action group, placing it, absurdly, on the same blacklist as organisations such as al-Qaeda and ISIS. Since the Palestine Action group has been designated a terrorist organisation, at least 2,300 people have been arrested according to the group Defend Our Juries, and a large proportion of these arrests took place at peaceful, sit-in protests in public areas across August and September of this year. Those arrested have included young students, teachers, pensioners and even an 83-year-old retired vicar.
The United Nations human rights chief, Mr. Volker Türk, said that the UK Government’s designation is “disturbing” and “disproportionate and unnecessary”, while the Council of Europe, Europe’s human rights watchdog, criticised the “excessive limits” it places on the right to protest. Does the Minister plan to raise the protection of the right to protest when she next engages with her UK counterpart?
Again, as I said already, as this is before the courts, I will not specifically reference what the Deputy has outlined. What I will do is restate and emphasise Ireland's absolute support for and commitment to a person's right to peacefully protest, which is extremely important. We also place a very strong emphasis on making sure that any Irish citizens abroad who find themselves in difficulty, whether relating to something like this or otherwise, would have consular assistance. Again, I stress that if any citizens need that assistance, it is there and available to them. Of course, in my engagement with Ms Yvette Cooper or anyone else in the UK Government, I will stress that this is an area that Ireland is very clear and very strong on. Individuals have a right to peaceful protest on matters that are concerning to them. Obviously, where that crosses the line and there is violence and use of force, we move into a different space, but we uphold every individual's international right to peaceful protest. That is certainly something that I can and will raise with my counterpart when I meet her, hopefully in the weeks ahead.
The acclaimed and best-selling Irish author, Sally Rooney, was unable to collect her recent Sky Arts award for literature in person as she did not feel safe entering the UK due to the risk of arrest for her public support of Palestine Action. She has even had to cancel all future public engagements in the UK and has expressed concerns that because of her intention to support Palestine Action financially, the availability of her books in the UK could be affected. One of the leading Irish authors of our time does not now feel she can enter the UK because of her support for a group protesting genocide. This is just one example of how the UK’s designation of Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation begins to seep into every corner of society and constrains the right of Irish citizens as well as British citizens to speak the truth at this darkest time in our history.
What meaningful engagement does the Minister plan to have with her UK counterpart about the UK Government's treatment and prosecution of members of Palestine Action? Will the Minister push for the UK Government to end its designation of the group as a terror organisation?
Again, as this is currently before the courts, it is not an issue I can raise with my UK counterpart or discuss here today. What I can and will say to my colleague when we meet is that there is an absolutely necessity to uphold the individual's right to peaceful protest. This is something that we cherish in this country. More broadly, in terms of our support for Palestine, there has been unanimous support for the need to reach a ceasefire. I very much welcome the ceasefire that has been reached, albeit that it is very fragile and difficult. I also very much welcome the fact that hostages have been released and that humanitarian aid has started to flow into Gaza, albeit, again, not at the level that it needs to be. We need to make sure that every single one of our actions now cements and upholds the ceasefire that is currently in place. I have no doubt that citizens in Ireland will continue to raise their voices, to make sure their concerns are heard and to work collectively continue to do everything we can to ensure that the ceasefire holds. For any citizens of Ireland in the UK or anywhere else who need consular assistance, it is there and available to them. We need to make sure that as a country we reiterate and stress every individual's human right to peaceful protest and that is certainly something I will do with my UK colleague.
8. Deputy Seán Ó Fearghaíl asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she has had any recent discussions with her EU counterparts about the situation in Afghanistan; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66240/25]
I will avail of this opportunity to congratulate the Minister on her appointment. Foreign affairs has always been an important brief but at this time of international geopolitical flux or chaos, it is a particularly important role to play. Working with the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, I am sure the Minister will do a very fine job for us on the international stage.
My question relates to the situation in Afghanistan and whether the Minister has yet had the opportunity to, or will in the future, engage with her counterparts on the situation there.
I am very grateful to the iar-Cheann Comhairle for raising this important issue. Afghanistan was not discussed at the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council which the Minister, Deputy McEntee, attended on 20 November. However, the Minister and I believe that the current dire human rights and humanitarian situation in Afghanistan clearly warrants a political level discussion within the Foreign Affairs Council, given that the last such discussion took place in March 2023. Ireland will continue to advocate for this within the relevant Council bodies.
We will also continue to fully support the role of the EU, through its special envoy for Afghanistan, in working to address the human rights and humanitarian situation within Afghanistan, including through the UN-led Doha process. The EU special envoy has recently briefed our ambassador to the EU peace and security committee on the current situation. In line with the commitment in Securing Ireland’s Future, we will continue to play an active role in seeking to maintain EU and international attention on the appalling human rights situation in Afghanistan and, in particular, the unacceptable restrictions imposed by the Taliban on Afghan women and girls. Along with other EU partners, Ireland played a lead role in pressing for the establishment of an independent investigative mechanism on Afghanistan at the most recent session of the UN Human Rights Council. This represents a significant milestone in the pursuit of truth, justice and accountability for the people of Afghanistan.
The Department also continues to support the Afghan people through the provision of urgent humanitarian assistance, which is principally channelled through the UN, its agencies, and trusted international partner organisations. Since January 2020, Ireland has provided over €20 million in humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan through the Irish Aid programme, including almost €5 million in humanitarian funding this year to respond to needs in Afghanistan and among Afghan refugees in the region, including the specific needs of women and girls.
I thank the Minister of State for that response. I am sure we all remember some years ago when America withdrew from Afghanistan and the Taliban began to march on Kabul. When Ashraf Ghani ran away and left his people to the fate that awaited them under the Taliban, many of us hoped there might be a more moderate regime than had been feared but it is quite clear from the most recent report from Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur, that the situation in Afghanistan continues to deteriorate. One of the reasons for my question is that the two most recent statements from the Council of Ministers came in August 2023 and September 2024. While I know it is inordinately difficult, given the number of conflicts there are in the world at present, we cannot let the real tragedy that is happening in Afghanistan become a forgotten one. It needs to be continuously kept on the agenda.
I fundamentally agree with the Deputy. Although I do not know if the words "moderate" and "Taliban" can ever be used in the same sentence, I understand the point he is trying to make. I absolutely agree that the attention needs to be continued. That is one of the main reasons that there is a specific reference in the programme for Government to protecting women and girls in Afghanistan. We believe we have a responsibility to make sure that Ireland, as a country that has a vested interest in the future of that country, continues to state that. I will undertake to see, along with the Minister, Deputy McEntee, if we can get this on the agenda of the next Foreign Affairs Council meeting, even as a sub-item for discussion. Indeed, we can continue to look at other forums for ways that we can raise this, most particularly through our current campaign for election to the UN Human Rights Council that will sit from 2027 to 2029.
I thank the Minister of State for that response. It is particularly positive. I am very proud of my own local community in Kildare where people came together to welcome two Afghani families into the local community. They have settled in very well but they continue to fear what is happening in their home country. We hear from them of the disasters that are taking place for women and girls - their exclusion from society and relegation to a form of subhuman living. We are also conscious of the situation developing between Pakistan and Afghanistan, how the Pakistani Taliban is becoming ever more active and the loss of life that is happening in the conflict between those two countries. We should also acknowledge the number of individuals, schools and agencies in the country that are trying to provide educational services remotely to women and girls in Afghanistan. We should use whatever resources we can to assist them in that.
One of the things that was often lost in the public mindset around this discussion is that level of compassion - perhaps eclipsed understandably by the sheer scale of compassion needed after the Russian invasion of Ukraine that led to over 110,000 people coming to this country. However, before that, after the fall of Kabul and the return of the Taliban, that level of community-level, driven compassion was there. I know the cases in Kildare referenced by the Deputy. I think of my own sister and my parliamentary assistant, ironically both called Emma, who were very involved in the campaign to bring the Afghani women's hockey team here. We were able to get the entire team out of Afghanistan. Women playing sport is a crime under the Taliban. That is just a particular reference. Obviously, Ireland has a new embassy in Pakistan and we continue to use our resident ambassador to make sure we advocate for peace in that region and ensure Ireland's voice at a community level is heard on an international level too.
11. Deputy Tom Brabazon asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade her views and those of other EU ministers for foreign affairs in relation to post-ceasefire attacks in Gaza. [66462/25]
I simply want to ask the Minister her views, and those of her EU counterparts, in relation to the post-ceasefire attacks in Gaza.
Achieving a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been a priority for this Government, with Ireland’s foreign policy on this issue clear and consistent and grounded in the commitment to upholding international law. The agreement on a ceasefire and the hostage deal represents welcome progress. It has brought desperately-needed respite to Palestinians in Gaza and relief to the people of Israel, although we all know it is a very fragile ceasefire and something that needs to be worked on. I commend the efforts of the US, as well as Qatar, Türkiye and Egypt, in securing this much-needed agreement. I also commend efforts to progress implementation of what has been agreed. The international community, Ireland included, must play its part if these efforts are to succeed.
In this context, the adoption of a resolution on Gaza by the UN Security Council, the first in many years, is a further step towards implementation of the peace plan. The ceasefire is nevertheless fragile, as I have mentioned, and must be preserved. All parties must adhere to their commitments in full. It is clear that this is not happening, given the fact that many innocent civilians have been killed, even in recent days. All parties must desist from any actions inconsistent with what has been agreed and continue to negotiate in good faith to ensure full implementation. Our current focus is on supporting efforts to build up this fragile ceasefire and we call on all parties to work to ensure peace efforts are successful and to refrain from further violence. The primary focus at EU level right now is ensuring the success of the ceasefire and the peace deal and on making contributions to international efforts.
We also must urgently address the humanitarian situation on the ground in Gaza. I mentioned this before. We had an update at the Council earlier last week where we were told that over 40,000 young children are still at risk of starvation. While there is a significant increase in the number of humanitarian trucks allowing aid to flow into Gaza, it is nowhere near enough. I reiterate that I intend to write to the EU High Representative to see what further political pressure Europe and all of our counterparts can put on Israel to make sure it lifts the significant blockade on some of the aid that is due to get in. These were among the issues discussed at the most recent Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels last Monday.
One could not but be quite surprised at what has happened. We welcome the ceasefire, although it is a ceasefire of sorts, that has happened in Gaza but we are aware of the fact that slaughter of the innocents still continues and we do not, in truth, have a full and total ceasefire. Gaza's health ministry reported that more than 300 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli fire and nearly 900 injured since the ceasefire agreement came into effect on 10 October. The situation needs to be continuously monitored. I mentioned surprise. I refer to surprise that the Trump involvement achieved welcome progress in this particular matter, while the international architecture we have put in place to deal with conflict had failed and failed abysmally. Instead, we see the Trump regime, with all its weaknesses and peculiarities, achieving something in Gaza.
The Deputy is right to highlight the fact that the ceasefire at the moment is very clearly being breached in some instances but we also need to make sure our focus does not get averted from what is happening in the West Bank. I raised with colleagues last week that the number of people who have been killed in the West Bank in the last two years alone is almost as many as those who have been killed in the last 20 years. There has been an escalation of violence within the West Bank and we need to consistently call this out and do everything in our power to make sure this can be responded to adequately. The suspension of preferential tariffs via the association agreement is still on the table because Ireland and other member states have pushed for that to be the case.
We cannot allow either side or party to the peace agreement to breach that in the way they are consistently doing, so we need to make sure that there are levers still available to us to respond to these changes. Of course, from our perspective, we will continue to provide aid that is very much needed, not just in terms of humanitarian aid and the trucks that are flowing in, but also other financing that is now going to be needed to rebuild Gaza. We must make sure that we can focus on that and that it is a priority when we talk about a ceasefire and a lasting peace.
The question of aid is of vital importance. We cannot ignore the fact, for example, that the Israelis have not yet agreed to open the Rafah crossing, and that the aid is accessing the Palestinian people via a variety of much smaller entry points.
Irish people would like to know if we can be confident that the aid we are providing is getting to the people of Gaza. Irish people have been very generous in their support of the people there and they want to be confident that the aid is reaching those who so desperately need it.
In terms of the pursuit of a long-term solution to this particular problem, it is obvious that the war - the murder and mayhem - has claimed the attention of all entities dealing with this, but how far are we from sitting down internationally to begin to engage on a long-term solution to the problems?
I spoke previously about the fact that I flew to Egypt and met people on the ground. I have kept in touch with these people, including in recent weeks. I am very concerned about the word "ceasefire" because that is not the feeling on the ground.
I have two huge concerns. The first is the level of aid getting through. The second is the rebuilding process. What is the plan to rebuild? We must also look at the rebuilding of the people - the young people - who have gone through this horrific war. We must look at the build-up to this before October. These kids have grown up with the sound of bombs in their ears. If we do not do something about the rebuilding of the young people, we are going to have a major issue around the world. They will be angry young men and women. They will be unleashed on the world unless they get help.
The immediate challenge is that there are tens of thousands of children who will starve to death if we do not increase the number of aid trucks that are flowing through. It is important to say that Irish aid trucks are getting through. Our officials have been on the ground and have been able to verify that, whether it is tents, food or medicine that is being provided, but we need substantially more. There are blockages being put in the way by Israel and we need that to change. I will do everything that I can and use my voice and work with colleagues to ensure that the aid increases.
In terms of the rebuilding of Gaza, in my meeting last week, we also had the first meeting with the Palestinian Authority and the Prime Minister and members of the Palestinian Authority who attended, with members from the Middle East, Europe and beyond. I specifically raised the fact that €3 billion in tax revenues are being withheld by Israel that should be going directly to Palestine, which would significantly help with the rebuilding, the investment in hospitals that is so badly needed and support for schools and young people. I will continue to raise this and many more issues, but we will also continue to ensure that aid is provided. Once the ceasefire agreement was reached, €6 million was committed by this Government to provide aid directly to Palestinian people. That aid is getting through, albeit, again, not at the rate we want it to.
12. Deputy Cormac Devlin asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade her views on whether there can be no peace agreement imposed on Ukraine without its support and the support of the European Union; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66597/25]
I want to return to the question of Ukraine and to ask the Minister if she agrees that there can be no peace agreement imposed on Ukraine without its support and the support of the European Union generally.
As the Minister of State said in reply to an earlier question, there can be nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. That is something that has consistently been said at a European level. At this critical juncture for Ukraine, after almost four years of brutal Russian aggression, I want to again emphasise Ireland's unequivocal support and solidarity with Ukraine. I welcome the ongoing efforts of President Trump and the United States to end Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and to achieve a just and lasting peace and security for Ukraine but also for the wider European region.
It is more important than ever that Europe and the United States continue to work together to achieve this as it can only happen with the support of Europe as well as the US. The emerging US proposals, as well as plans for further negotiations, represent a very welcome step forward. I also welcome the progress made at Sunday's meetings between the US and Ukraine in Geneva. I welcome the fact that EU institutions and member states were also present. We look forward to these talks continuing in a positive manner and to further progress being achieved.
Ukraine is engaging positively - we can see that from the commentary and President Zelenskyy himself. They are engaging constructively in these discussions despite the ongoing military assault on their towns, cities, ports and critical energy infrastructure. I do not believe the actions of Russia are the actions of a country that wants peace. However, we have to work towards that sole objective and goal.
A massive attack on Kharkiv on Sunday resulted in the loss of more innocent lives. This follows an appalling attack on Ternopil in recent weeks that killed 34 people, including six children. It is crucial that any agreement upholds Ukraine's sovereignty and independence and is based on respect for the principles of the UN Charter. The fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force must be upheld. Any agreement must also protect Ukraine's and Europe's vital security. That means strong, credible guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity to avoid a repetition of the past.
This is not just vital for Ukraine - it is also vital for the European Union and all its member states, including Ireland. It is welcome that assurances have been given that the EU will be involved in discussions on issues that directly relate to it, such as enlargement and immobilised assets.
I am not sure that I agree with the Minister in welcoming the nature of the American involvement in this particular situation. It has been characterised as being on Putin's side, appearing to be on Ukraine's side, and now being back on the Putin side again. Some people think that the current peace plan was written in Russian and translated via Google Translate. I am deeply concerned about many of the provisions in that plan, which seems to have the enthusiastic support of President Trump. One could believe, given recent statements, that Secretary Rubio is perhaps more realistic in his approach and is trying to inject a level of realism into the debate, but the bottom line is that Europe must be involved so as to ensure that, as the Minister quite rightly says, nothing is done about Ukraine without Ukraine's full involvement and without Ukraine being able to benefit at the end of the day.
We have to acknowledge that there are very clear efforts on the part of the US to try and bring about a ceasefire, while at the same time acknowledging that elements of the 28 point plan that we saw put forward very clearly need further work. We cannot have a situation where land is ceded by force. That simply cannot be the basis for any type of ceasefire. We cannot have a situation where a country cannot in the future be able to defend itself should something like this happen again. Likewise, we cannot have a situation where Europe is committed to certain things without Europe being around the table. It is really important that Europe is part of the conversations, negotiations and discussions and that Ukraine agrees to whatever is put forward.
There is a recommendation or a proposal for an unconditional ceasefire that has been on the table since March. Ukraine has been very clear that it will sign up to that. It would ensure that all lines as they currently stand would be frozen, that people would come around the table and that negotiations on many of the matters that we have seen in the 28 point plan could be discussed at that stage. I would encourage that it would be something that is still on the table. We need to make sure that we support any discussions and negotiations but that our absolute commitment and priority is that Ukraine is supported and that it agrees to whatever is on the table in the proposals.
We all want peace, but what is certain is that Russia cannot be rewarded for its crimes. It should not be readmitted to the G8 or reintegrated into the global economy.
The plan, for example, demands Ukrainian denazification, effectively validating Russia's absurd narrative that Ukraine is riddled with Nazis. I have been there, as have other Members of this House, and I do not think there is any evidence available to that end.
There have been war crimes committed in Bucha, Irpin and other places, forced relocations to Russia of children, repeated strikes on apartment buildings, most recently in the western city of Ternopil, and the torture, abuse and execution of Ukrainian prisoners of war. Despite all this, the plan, as it currently stands, grants the Kremlin full immunity from prosecution. Does the Minister agree that whatever agreement might be reached there can be no normalisation of EU relations with Russia while the monster Putin is president?
I welcome the Government providing over €100 million in non-lethal military support to Ukraine. I welcome 116,000 Ukrainians here under the temporary protection directive, with it being estimated that some 80,000 will stay. I have a huge concern, though, over the peace process itself and the role Europe has played in it. The 28-point plan was made up without the involvement of Ukraine, and that is so wrong. Additionally, could the Minister give us an update on President Zelenskyy's outstanding invitation to Ireland?
I thank the Deputy. I again stress that there are very clearly elements of the plan put forward that are not realistic, not credible and will not be accepted by Ukraine and will certainly not be accepted by the EU. We must, though, use this as a framework and basis for discussions, which, to date, have not taken place. It is very clear that this is an illegal war, very clear that Vladimir Putin is responsible for war crimes and very clear that these are continuing as we speak, so we need to make sure that Ireland's voice is strong. We must continue to put pressure on Russia. In our conversations last week at the Foreign Affairs Council - and the 19th sanctions package is currently under way - there was a proposal and suggestion on a 20th package of sanctions. It is about how we can make sure we impose as much pressure on Russia as possible to try to bring it to the table, so that any negotiations around a peace process and a ceasefire are fair and balanced. It is important that Russia does feel pressure because, to date, for a lot of this ongoing war, Russia has not felt the pressure that it needs to. In Europe, we need to do everything we can through sanctions, diplomatic channels and our work with the US to make sure we can bring about a lasting peace. Again, this is not just about Ukraine, albeit that country is front and centre. This is already starting to seep into the security of European member states and we need to make sure it does not go any further.
With the agreement of the House, I will go back to Question No. 10. Is that agreed? Agreed.
10. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to provide an update on the recent engagement at EU level on the EU-Israel agreement and the Israeli Settlements (Prohibition of Importation of Goods) Bill 2025; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66658/25]
Go raibh maith agat. I ask the Minister to provide an update on any engagement at EU level on the EU-Israel agreement. We all know the humanitarian conditions that unfortunately have never been employed. We know what Israel has done. We know that maximum pressure and leverage need to be applied. We know that is probably the only reason we have a peace plan, if we can call it that, at this point in time.
I would also like to get an update, and I understand the Minister did speak about this earlier, in relation to the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. Again, however, it is not much good unless we do the job properly and that it happens quickly, with services included as well.
I thank the Deputy for the question. On 14 February 2024, the then Taoiseach, along with Prime Minister Sánchez of Spain, wrote to the President of the European Commission requesting an urgent review of whether Israel was complying with its humanitarian rights obligations under the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Furthermore, the letter requested that the Commission propose appropriate measures for the consideration of the Council, should it find that Israel was in breach of its obligations.
A review of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, initiated by the Foreign Affairs Council in May 2025, found that actions taken by the Israeli Government represented a breach of essential elements relating to respect for human rights and democratic principles. The European Commission subsequently put forward a number of proposals, one of which was to suspend the core trade-related provisions of the Association Agreement. Ireland has welcomed the Commission proposals and encouraged other member states to support them. Notwithstanding the positive and welcome recent developments with regard to a ceasefire and hostage release deal in Gaza, Ireland along with other member states, has made clear our view that the proposals should remain on the table. In her state of the Union address, the President of the European Commission was clear on the rationale for tabling the package, which remains valid, as we discussed last week.
The Government has always been of the view that the EU-Israel Association Agreement must be interpreted and applied in accordance with the obligations of the EU and its Member States under international law. In June, the Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. The main purpose of the Bill is to prohibit the importation of goods into the State from Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. It remains the Government’s preference that collective action would be taken at EU level and we continue to pursue this. At the EU level, the primary objective right now is ensuring the success of what is a very fragile ceasefire and peace deal.
In addition, the Tánaiste, in his capacity as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, wrote to High Representative Kallas in advance of the June Foreign Affairs Council to ask how the Commission assesses the impact on the EU-Israel Association Agreement of the International Court of Justice, ICJ, advisory opinion of July 2024. The High Representative responded to his letter on 17 October, indicating the Commission’s view that the EU’s current approach is in line with the spirit and letter of the ICJ advisory opinion. Our assessment is different, so we are currently studying the detail of the response provided by the High Representative and considering next steps.
Go raibh maith agat, agus comhghairdeachas leis an Aire ar a post nua. Straightaway, we can all see there were particular issues in relation to the EU-Israel Association Agreement, and not only in the sense of the particular deal that was really sweet from the Israeli point of view. We talk of these humanitarian conditions but obviously there was absolutely no power in relation to enforcement. Unfortunately, there was also a lack of will across the European Union. I welcome that we and others have pushed in relation to this matter. I do not think it is an issue we can let slide.
While we have a peace plan, it is a peace plan in which Palestinians will suffer. We have seen that the Israeli regime is absolutely determined to ensure there is no two-state solution. As much as we need to push the EU, we also have to do the work we can do ourselves. Even though it is not everything, it would be good if we could publish the Attorney General's advice, so we could end that particular argument. We really need to see the occupied territories Bill enforced in full. As much as it might not have the impact that people talk about, in terms of it not having an absolutely spectacular impact, it is part of what Spain and Slovenia are doing, and it is similar to what happened with South Africa. I doubt that the action of the Dunnes Stores workers had a real financial impact but it was part of something wider and it made a huge difference in the long term. We need to be part of doing this.
I thank the Deputy. I do acknowledge that other colleagues have made progress in terms of implementing legislation. Some of it did not have to happen in the same way that we have to progress our legislation. I stress also that it happened prior to the ceasefire. I think what is really important and what our focus and priority need to be on, not just at home but at an EU level and internationally, is making sure that ceasefire holds. It is very clear breaches are occurring. It is very clear more humanitarian aid needs to be let through. This is why it is absolutely essential that in the context of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, the proposal that has been put on the table that would remove those preferential tariffs remains on the table. Ireland is the country that pushed for and initiated that process. I again reiterated the need for it to remain on the table at the Council meeting.
I will not lie. There are other member states and individuals who think we should take it off the table and that that would allow for further progress to be made. While there continue to be persistent breaches of the ceasefire by Israel, however, we need to make sure that every lever available to us is very firmly on the table.
In terms of the legislation, again I have given a very clear commitment that we will uphold our programme for Government commitment that we will progress it. I am waiting on further information and advice, and once I have that, we will be able to make further progress.
Not only do we need the maintenance of the ceasefire and to make sure there are no breaches but we also have to maintain whatever leverage we and the wider international community can on Israel. At this moment, we are somewhat glad it is not engaged in genocidal action but let us be absolutely clear it is determined, at least the regime at this point is, to make sure nobody can deliver justice, freedom, self-determination for the Palestinian people and a two-state solution. The fact is this is one of the few things we can do. We need to make sure we maintain whatever pressure we can. The EU-Israel Association Agreement is a blemish and a further disgrace in relation to how the European Union has dealt with this whole genocidal nightmare for the Palestinians.
Equally, we need to move on the occupied territories Bill. It is the one thing we can do.
We need to end this argument in relation to legal matters. As I said, it is about the fact that we are doing this alongside others. This will have an impact. The reason there is a peace plan is that even Donald Trump did not like the idea of what the Israelis were doing, and the killing children and innocent people.
We need to acknowledge and look to the fact that the peace plan, although a lot of work still needs to be done, made reference to a pathway for a two-state solution. That is something Ireland has consistently called for and supports and that many other member states are now supporting. It is something we need to work towards in making sure we have a pathway towards a two-state solution. First and foremost, our priority needs to be ensuring the ceasefire, which is extremely fragile, can hold and that the thousands of malnourished and starving children and citizens more broadly who need aid get access to that aid, and that we ensure that what the Palestinian Authority needs to rebuild Gaza can be provided to it. At the meeting we had only recently, the first meeting of the Palestinian Authority with member states as well as countries in the Middle East and beyond, I restated Ireland's call for Israel to release over €3 billion of funds it is withholding in taxes. That would go a long way towards helping to start rebuilding, whether it is investment in hospitals and schools or shelter for those who need it most, particularly coming into what is going to be a cold winter period.
13. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the steps Ireland is taking to seek to bring about an end to the conflict in Sudan; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [65828/25]
35. Deputy Barry Heneghan asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she will provide an update on the ongoing conflict in Sudan, including the humanitarian impact on civilians, the status of diplomatic efforts to secure a ceasefire, and the supports Ireland is providing through humanitarian and development channels; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66720/25]
97. Deputy Duncan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to provide an update on the situation in Sudan; her engagement with allies on the conflict; if Ireland will be providing increased levels of aid; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66301/25]
Question Nos. 13, 35 and 97 are grouped and Deputy Smith is in the House, so he can lead.
I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach. I am very thankful we are having statements on Sudan this afternoon. This question was submitted in advance of knowing that. I am looking for any update or information to the Minister can provide the House with in regard to what we are doing as a State in humanitarian terms to help alleviate, tackle, better understand or deal with the genocide, travesty and violence that is taking place in Sudan.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 13, 35 and 97 together.
I thank Deputy Smith, as I did Deputy Ó Laoghaire, for raising this matter consistently. It is going to be a very important debate this afternoon. The Government remains deeply concerned by the devastating conflict in Sudan, which has led to the world’s worst humanitarian and protection crisis. More than 150,000 people have already been killed, some 12 million are forcibly displaced and over 21 million people face crisis levels of hunger, including famine. This is a man-made famine. I am appalled by the targeting of civilians by all parties to the conflict. I condemn the atrocities committed in El Fasher by the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, and the escalating violence in North Darfur. Large-scale, ethnically motivated atrocities, including summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence and the detention of civilians are part of a widespread pattern, including the use of rape and starvation as weapons of war.
These actions are unconscionable and must stop. There must be accountability and justice for such atrocities. Ireland, together with Germany, the UK, Netherlands and Norway, succeeded in ensuring the adoption of a resolution on the situation in El Fasher at a special session of the Human Rights Council on 14 November. The resolution requests the independent international fact-finding mission for Sudan to conduct an urgent inquiry into the violations and abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed in and around El Fasher. The environment of impunity in Sudan simply must end.
Ireland has taken a leading role within the EU on the establishment of the EU sanctions regime. The EU Foreign Affairs Council in October adopted Council conclusions strongly condemning the ongoing conflict. Ireland successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda at this month’s EU Foreign Affairs Council, which adopted restrictive measures against a senior RSF commander.
The international community needs to exert greater pressure on the parties to return to the negotiating table and to engage in dialogue. I welcome the ongoing work of the Quad, including efforts to negotiate a three-month humanitarian truce. It is vital that there is substantive political engagement and co-ordination between the European Union, the African Union, the Quad and other international and national actors on de-escalation and mediation efforts. We will continue to work internationally with our EU and other partners to call on all parties to adhere to their obligations to protect civilians and aid workers, and to ensure immediate, unconditional and unhindered humanitarian access in full compliance with international humanitarian law.
In June, I signed a joint statement by 30 donor countries condemning attacks against civilians and humanitarian workers. I also joined an Australian-led declaration for the protection of humanitarian workers at the UN General Assembly in New York in September. Ireland has provided €14.3 million in humanitarian assistance so far in 2025 to support people most in need in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. This assistance is channelled through trusted UN, Red Cross, Irish NGO and local partners to provide life-saving aid. We are committed to further increasing our assistance in 2026.
Ultimately, an agreement on a cessation of hostilities must be reached in order to end the suffering of the Sudanese people. This must be followed by a negotiated, permanent, peaceful and civilian-led political settlement that respects the territorial integrity of Sudan.
I thank the Minister of State for his response. It is clear to me that Ireland is taking this very seriously and is acting in our capacity, as much as we can, to support what is a very complex situation. I read one article that said the history of war in Sudan has both a long history and a short history, and both are very complicated. The numbers the Minister of State articulated in his response are absolutely astronomical. The velocity of violence taking place there is almost beyond comprehension. We have spent the last hour and a half here talking about, among other things, the illegal war in Ukraine and the ongoing tragedy and crisis in Palestine and Gaza, which are not insignificant by any means, but we need to do everything we can with our partners in the EU and the United Nations to ensure Sudan gets the attention it needs and deserves to bring the war, violence and killing to an end.
The history of war in Sudan is awful and bloody. It is also complex with regard to the parties to the war. We can talk about the RSF and the Government but we can also talk about various tribal militias who are agnostic with regard to who they side with in pursuit of their bloody aims.
This conflict is of a scale that is perhaps unfathomable to this House, to be honest. It is as bad as anything the continent has seen and while we are living in really difficult geopolitical times, it is no underestimation to say this is possibly the worst conflict but certainly the worst humanitarian disaster happening in the world at the moment. It is a humanitarian disaster that is awful but it also having a real impact, materially, on the daily lives of the people who the Deputy and I represent in our constituencies. We should never lose that focus in regard to why it is not only the right thing for Ireland to be involved in this and provide that support but it is also the sensible thing.
That is a really good assessment. It is unfathomable and difficult. As complex as any conflict is, sometimes such as in relation to Russia and Ukraine, it is clear who the aggressor is. It is clear who we are supporting and what side we are on. It is far more complex in Sudan with the nature of the belligerents, both the short and long history of conflict there and the nature of the type of violence itself. There are no easy answers here and Ireland certainly does not have the capacity on its own to solve this humanitarian crisis and bring it to an end. We must ensure that people in Sudan and the Sudanese people who are here know that the Irish Parliament, Government and State are doing everything we can with our allies and partner states to try to end the violence and the humanitarian disaster taking place. I thank the Minister of State for his response.
I am very grateful to the Deputy for raising the very large Sudanese population that lives here in Ireland. When we see things in the abstract and we look at news reports and everything else, we forget that these are people's family members and friends. These are people living in our constituencies who are worried about their family and friends and not knowing what the future holds.
In regard to Ireland's role, there are three major things we will continue to press. One is a call, with our partners, for an immediate cessation of the violence. Second, it will be for the real enforcement of the arms embargoes that have been place. Third and most importantly, it is the maintenance of our humanitarian support. As I said, we have allocated €4.3 million this year. That will include an additional €3 million announced by the Tánaiste and I in New York in September at the UN General Assembly but also real pressure to make sure humanitarian corridors are maintained. I have said it before in the House that 2025 is the most dangerous, deadly year to be a humanitarian aid worker in the world. The deaths of humanitarian workers in Gaza, Sudan and Ukraine are unfathomable.
14. Deputy Pearse Doherty asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if she has further plans to engage with the British Government over the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023 and the request for a fresh inquest into the 1973 killing of a person (details supplied), given that a fresh inquest was approved, only for the Act becoming law a few hours later; the support being provided to their family; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [66282/25]
The family of Michael Leonard have now waited more than 50 years for the truth about how Michael was killed by the RUC on the Donegal-Fermanagh border in 1973. New evidence contradicts the original account and raises serious questions. We now have a change of landscape in Britain. The old legacy Act is being dismantled and new legacy structures are being put in place. In light of these developments, has the Minister raised Michael Leonard's case with the British Government or does she intend to raise it in a timely fashion?
The case of the person in question, Michael, and the family's desire for answers have been raised on a number of occasions at ministerial level with the UK Government. As the Deputy mentioned, following new evidence unearthed since the dismissal of the initial inquest in 1973, the Attorney General for Northern Ireland ordered a fresh inquest into the person in question's death on 30 April 2024. Unfortunately, this new inquest was never commenced due to the UK legacy Act, introduced in May 2024.
The joint framework on legacy, announced on 19 September by the two Governments, fundamentally reforms the 2023 UK legacy Act. It aims to provide a pathway to truth and accountability and, to the extent possible, justice for those most affected by the violence of the Troubles. It lifts the ban on inquests and provides a way forward for those inquests, such as the inquest of Michael, that were ordered but not commenced before the 2023 Act.
Once the implementing UK legislation has been passed and enacted, Michael's case will be independently assessed by the UK Solicitor General to consider whether it would be most appropriately dealt with by the reformed legacy commission or via the coronial system. This assessment will be carried out on the basis of specific criteria set out in legislation, including the views of families and the next of kin.
Too many families in Northern Ireland have waited for far too long for truth and accountability. My focus is now on making sure that the processes established by the joint framework are up and running as soon as possible. I have already engaged with Mr. Hilary Benn MP on this particular issue but also more broadly on ensuring that we can continue to strengthen and evolve relationships North, South, east and west. I look forward to, hopefully, meeting Ms Yvette Cooper MP soon and to making sure that those relations are strong and all matters can be discussed. I look forward to working with victim and survivor groups closely over the coming months, as well as with political parties in Northern Ireland, to ensure that the reformed legacy commission, once set up, has the ability to command the confidence of victims and survivors of the Troubles.
I thank the Minister. She may be aware that I have raised this issue countless times with the Government and her predecessor. I am sure she is aware of the circumstances of the case. She says she has raised this with Mr. Hilary Benn MP. I think she will agree that it is worth raising again. Michael was a 24-year-old Donegal man. He was shot in the back and killed by the RUC on the Border at Brookhill in Fermanagh near Pettigo. For decades, the official narrative was that he was shot by a single shot that was fired accidentally by the RUC. New evidence uncovered in 2023 in British army logs by researchers has since exposed that at least three shots were discharged by a member of the RUC, contradicting the original account and raising profound questions about the circumstances of his death. At that time in 2023, the Leonard family came here to Leinster House to ask for help from the Government. They deserve to finally have answers to their questions.
I welcome that the Minister says she has raised the case with Hilary Benn. What are the next steps she will take on behalf of the Government in respect of the case of Michael Leonard?
This is a case that has been ongoing for some time. It is important that families, and Michael's family in particular, get answers. Once the commitments in the joint framework are translated faithfully into legislation, the legacy commission will look and feel somewhat different from what we have had in the past. The governance and oversight structures will be much clearer and stronger. They will hopefully lead to greater independence, and then investigations can be carried out to recognised standards with statutory conflict of interest provisions to address real and perceived conflicts of interest. Importantly, a statutory victims and survivors advisory group will be established, ensuring that their voices are heard and they remain very much front and centre in this overall process.
The publication and the second reading of the Bill and the amendment to the legacy Act are moving forward. I welcome the speed at which the British Government has brought forward the Bill. It demonstrates the seriousness with which the secretary of state and his colleagues are approaching this absolutely essential work. The test will be to see if it faithfully reflects the agreement that was reached in September. I have every confidence in my initial engagement with Mr. Hilary Benn MP and others that they are working to ensure that this reflects faithfully the agreement that was put in place. Most important is that we can progress with the elements of the legislation that will hopefully give answers to Michael's family and to many others as well.
As the Minister is aware, the legacy Act that came into existence in Britain on 1 May 2023 shut down an inquest into Michael's killing, incredibly, just hours after it was granted by the Attorney General. The case was an example of the cruelty of Britain's legacy Act writ large. As well the new evidence, the Attorney General granted the inquiry on the basis that the original inquest did not receive oral evidence from any of the RUC officers involved in the killing. Given the circumstances that this new evidence came too late before the cruel legacy Act was enacted, it is vital that the inquest into Michael's death be reopened. It is important that whatever happens in relation to the negotiations and phases of the framework for dealing with these matters, the inquiry into the killing of Michael Leonard be reopened. As the Minister knows, the family is not looking for special treatment but what they do deserve are answers and justice for Michael.
I welcome the fact that the Minister has raised this and I am asking her to continue to raise it. There are far too many cases where families have campaigned for decades, in this case for half a century, for the truth and justice. I am asking the Government to support them in their quest.
In any engagement with our counterparts in the North or in the UK, we must focus on the fact that these are families and these are tragedies that we have not got answers for. That needs to be front and centre in everything we do. We have turned a corner in our own relations with the UK and I can see that clearly over the last number of years, through my time as Minister for Justice, in the councils I sit on and my engagement to date, in particular with the secretary of state, Mr. Hilary Benn MP.
I stress that the joint framework removes the legacy Act's prohibition on inquests. This will utterly change the landscape that we have been working with and that has prevented so many of these inquests from taking place. Inquests that were halted by the legacy Act will recommence. Inquests that had been ordered but had not begun, such as that into the death of Michael Leonard, will be subject to a further decision by the UK Solicitor General on whether they would be appropriately dealt with as an ordinary inquest, as I mentioned earlier, via the coronial system or via the inquisitorial mechanism, which will sit under the reformed legacy commission. The important thing now is that the legislation is enacted. We will obviously follow through and enact our own legislation here once that is the case. It is about getting those bodies and institutions set up so that we can provide answers to families.
