Article 20 of Treaty on European Union Regarding Enhanced Co-operation: Motion

Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Helen McEntee)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann approves the exercise by the State of the option or discretion to which Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union relating to enhanced co-operation applies to establish enhanced co-operation as described in the draft Council Decision authorising enhanced co-operation on the establishment of a Loan for Ukraine, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 21st January, 2026.

This motions seeks approval from the Dáil for Ireland to exercise the option, in accordance with Article 29.4.7° of Bunreacht na hÉireann, to participate in enhanced co-operation on the establishment of a loan for Ukraine. It is almost four years since Russia's unprovoked, unlawful and unjustifiable attack on Ukraine began. The situation in Ukraine remains grave. Russia's illegal war of aggression has claimed almost 15,000 civilian lives and over 100,000 military casualties. It has forced the migration of 6 million people and caused over €450 billion worth of damage to Ukraine's infrastructure. Recent weeks have seen an escalation in deeply disturbing drone and missile attacks targeting critical infrastructure. These attacks have killed and injured civilians and left millions without power or heating in the depths of winter. Each day that Russia continues its brutal war against Ukraine is another day that Russia continues to violate international law and make the world, in particular Europe, a less secure and more dangerous place.

The war is having a broad impact on the European Continent, particularly from an economic, fiscal and security perspective. Uncertainty levels remain elevated, economic momentum has slowed, investment and consumer spending have weakened, inflation has risen and supply disruptions, including to energy supplies, have emerged. Member states have been forced to take action to mitigate these economic impacts and enhance their security and defence infrastructure. How Europe and the international community respond has far-reaching consequences for Ukraine, European security, the European economy and the future of the international rules-based order on which our security and prosperity depend.

Ireland has consistently expressed its unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The people of Ireland feel strong empathy and solidarity with the people of Ukraine. This was recently re-emphasised during President Zelenskyy's visit to Dublin in December and by the Taoiseach at the European Council meeting later that month. Since the onset of the war in February 2022, Ireland's total allocated support to Ukraine amounts to more than €464.4 million. This includes €173.4 million in stabilisation and humanitarian assistance, €200 million in bilateral non-lethal military support for Ukraine, €66 million in non-lethal military support under the European Peace Facility and €25 million specifically aimed at supporting the provision of energy to Ukraine. The latter allocation was announced just last month. Beyond financial support, Ireland has also welcomed over 123,700 people fleeing Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine since that war began. That is happening under the temporary protection directive.

There has been widespread international support for Ukraine, particularly from the EU. Since the start of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, the EU and its member states have collectively provided €193.3 billion in overall support. This includes, for example, €18 billion under macro-financial assistance, which is the EU's contribution to the G7 extraordinary revenue acceleration line, and €50 billion under the EU's Ukraine facility budget, of which €28 billion has already been disbursed.

On 3 December 2025, European Commission President von der Leyen made a statement on Ukraine's financing needs, noting the estimate by the International Monetary Fund, IMF, that Ukraine will need €135 billion for 2026 and 2027. However, that assumes the war will end later this year. The level of uncertainty in this regard remains exceptionally high, not least due to Russia's intensified attacks. The European Commission has advised member states that the financial situation in Ukraine requires a disbursement of EU moneys by April. It is in this context that the new financial support from the EU is urgently needed.

Given the ongoing war and these imminent financing needs, extensive efforts took place within the EU in late 2025 to agree a reparations loan for Ukraine of €210 billion to cover the period up to 2030. It was proposed that this be funded either by borrowing cash balances from banks and other financial companies holding immobilised Russian Central Bank assets or by joint EU borrowing guaranteed by EU budget headroom. Despite intensive discussions, it was, unfortunately, not possible to come to an agreement on this proposed reparations loan at the December European Council, although leaders asked for work to continue on the technical and legal aspects of the loan.

In place of that proposal, leaders agreed the Ukraine support loan of €90 billion for 2026 and 2027 using EU borrowing on capital markets, to be repaid by reparations due by Russia, and backed by the EU budget headroom. The European Commission is currently working with member states on the regulations to underpin this. The €90 billion support package is estimated to cover two thirds of Ukraine's overall financing needs for the next two years but, obviously, more will be needed.

Given its imminent financing needs, it is absolutely critical that European financial supports are disbursed to Ukraine in the second quarter at the latest. These supports will further advance strategic investment in Ukraine and contribute to overall European security, defence and sustainable economic development. Therefore, continued and co-ordinated support from international partners remains essential, including timely delivery and commitments by the G7 for 2026 and beyond.

While the December European Council agreed the €90 billion loan, it was not possible to get agreement by all 27 member states, with Czechia, Hungary and Slovakia opting not to participate. Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union sets out a mechanism of enhanced co-operation that allows a minimum of nine member states to set up advanced co-operation in a particular area. This is provided for when the EU as a whole cannot achieve the goals of such co-operation within a reasonable period. The remaining 24 member states, including Ireland, requested the European Commission to prepare a proposal for a Council decision authorising enhanced co-operation on establishing the loan for Ukraine. Approval to proceed with enhanced co-operation is granted by the Council based on a European Commission proposal and following European Parliament consent.

Agreement in principle to the European Commission proposal on enhanced co-operation was provided at the Committee of Permanent Representatives on 9 January this year. The European Parliament provided its consent on 21 January. The final agreement will be taken by the participating member states at the Council meeting taking place in the coming days. That is why we are having this discussion today. On 20 January, the Government provided its approval, first, to proceed with enhanced co-operation on establishing a loan to Ukraine and, second, to move today's motion seeking the prior approval of same from both Houses of the Oireachtas.

This is in line with Article 29.4.7° of Bunreacht na hÉireann, which outlines that the State may exercise the options or discretions to which Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union relating to enhanced co-operation applies, but also that the agreement to any such decision, regulation or Act shall be subject to the prior approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas. By opting to participate in enhanced co-operation on the loan to Ukraine, Ireland will provide a clear signal of our continued support for and solidarity with Ukraine and our commitment to the security of our Continent.

Last December, here in the Chamber, we all heard directly from President Zelenskyy about the utter devastation Russia's unprovoked and unjustified full-scale war is having on Ukraine and its people. We cannot and must not stand idly, and we have not stood idly by, in the face of such aggression. Ireland has been, and will continue to be, a strong supporter of Ukraine. There is an onus on us to act and, in this case, to provide our support to help to address Ukraine's financing needs for 2026 and 2027. This is absolutely essential for Ukraine to be able to exercise its inherent right to self-defence, to support microfinance ability and to put in place the strongest position in peace negotiations.

For the reasons I have set out, I urge the House to support the motion seeking approval for Ireland to exercise the option to participate in enhanced co-operation with 23 other EU member states on the establishment of a loan to Ukraine.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"notes the draft Council Decision authorising enhanced cooperation on the establishment of a Loan for Ukraine, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 21st January, 2026;

recognises that:

— the 2022 invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation was an act of aggression, which was motivated by expansion and imperialist ambitions;

— the people of Ukraine have shown immense resolve, resilience and determination;

— Irish people have stood in solidarity with the people of Ukraine and share their hope for a just sustainable and lasting peace, which respects the rights of the Ukrainian people;

— Ireland has, and continues to, rightly provide support for the Ukrainian people by way of aid for non-lethal purposes, including infrastructure, energy costs and humanitarian needs;

— the nature of this aid reflects the fact that, while Ireland has a politically clear position in condemning Russian aggression, it is, and remains, the position that Ireland is a militarily neutral state, therefore, does not provide military aid;

— the European Union (EU) was conceived of as an organisation for the promotion of trade, economic integration and peace, and was never intended as a substitute for, or equivalent to, military alliances;

— we respect the prerogative of individual member states to participate in the trade of arms, according to their own policies and priorities, but that this should occur outside of the ambit of EU structures, respecting the need for the EU to respect the neutrality of various member states;

— the enhanced cooperation mechanisms were never envisioned to be used for purposes such as large-scale loans, for purposes including military expenditure, and that some of the checks and balances that would be typically applied have been discarded in this instance;

— there is no obstacle to member states who wish to provide arms to Ukraine in providing loans, either individually or in concert with other countries, outside of EU vehicles; and

— the humanitarian situation in Ukraine remains considerable and civilian assistance remains necessary in sustaining key civilian infrastructure, particularly energy infrastructure, which has been relentlessly attacked; and

therefore, resolves to restrict our participation in lending money to Ukraine under this enhanced cooperation proposal, or otherwise to civilian humanitarian and non-military purposes, and shall not participate in loans which may be used for arms.

This amendment is consistent with our position of supporting humanitarian aid, energy assistance and support for civilian infrastructure in Ukraine. It supports the provision of non-lethal support that saves lives and keeps hospitals open and homes heated. This reflects Ireland's clear political opposition to Russian aggression while remaining consistent with our long-standing policy of military neutrality.

What the Government is proposing is a decisive step away from that position. The proposal before the House is not a peace initiative. It is not primarily humanitarian. It is a proposal for €90 billion in funding, delivered for Ukraine through enhanced co-operation, with the clear intention that the majority of that funding will be used for military purposes. That is why Sinn Féin opposes the motion. This is about underwriting an enormous escalation in military financing, through EU mechanisms, in a war for which there is no credible peace process, no diplomatic roadmap and no political horizon beyond further escalation. Let us be honest - in the absence of diplomacy, negotiation and serious international engagement, the vacuum is being filled with weapons and money from abroad. That is not a strategy for peace. It is a strategy for a war with no end in sight.

For the average person, this is shocking. At a time when families in Ireland are crippled by the cost-of-living crisis and after a budget that gave ordinary workers nothing, the Government is proposing that billions of euro be given to Ukraine for weapons of war. I would rather see that money being invested in public services and cost-of-living supports across the European Union than in buying weapons of war. The European Union was founded as a peace project based on co-operation, reconciliation and shared prosperity. It was never intended to function as a military financing vehicle, nor as a substitute for military alliances.

This is all being done using a workaround that was never intended to be used in this way. Enhanced co-operation was designed as a last resort where unanimity could not be achieved, not as a mechanism to discard checks and balances in order to push through €90 billion in loans primarily for defence expenditure. Yet, that is precisely what is happening. This proposal allows the EU to borrow on capital markets, backed by EU budget headroom, even though not all member states agree to the proposal. It commits participating countries, including Ireland, to billions of euro in debt-servicing costs for years to come, while neutrality concerns are treated as an inconvenience.

We are told these loans will be repaid through future reparations from Russia but that is far from guaranteed. What is guaranteed is that major defence manufacturers, many of them within the European Union, will benefit economically from this arrangement. This cannot be viewed in isolation. The Government has made clear its intention to steadily erode Ireland's military neutrality through abandoning the triple lock, creeping alignment with EU and NATO military structures and now through the normalisation of EU-level military financing. First the Government seeks to ditch the triple lock and now it wants Ireland to underwrite €90 billion in loans primarily for military financing, all without a mandate from the Irish people. Piece by piece, decision by decision, neutrality is being hollowed out.

If individual member states wish to supply arms to Ukraine, that is their sovereign choice. It should not be done through EU structures, not in our name and not by dragging Ireland, a neutral state, into military commitments by the back door. What Ukraine needs, alongside humanitarian support, is a renewed and genuine international push for diplomacy, negotiations and a pathway to peace. Funding of €90 billion primarily for military purposes, with no political strategy beyond escalation, is not solidarity; it is failure.

We will not support the use of EU mechanisms - or Irish resources - to finance war or dismantle our neutrality. That is why we are opposing the motion brought forward by the Government and tabled the amendment to seek the objectives I outlined earlier.

Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire

Táimid ag caint go príomha faoin leasú. I speak primarily regarding our amendment to this motion, which sums up our view of this proposition. Almost four years ago Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation engaged in an act of aggression and imperialist expansion against Ukraine and its people. We have since seen appalling atrocities at Bucha, Zaporizhzhia and Mariupol, attacks on civilian infrastructure and the barbaric abduction of children. Sinn Féin and this House have been emphatic in our condemnation. The people have responded commendably in supporting Ukrainian families and through contribution to various charitable causes. The past four years have seen the Ukrainian people suffer many hardships. The situation on the ground remains very severe. Recent weeks have seen reports of Ukrainian energy workers collapsing from exhaustion as they work in incredibly challenging circumstances to keep the Ukrainian energy system going to sustain the economy, ensure healthcare continues to function and serve the needs of the Ukrainian people.

We have supported and continue to support assistance to Ukraine for civilian, humanitarian and non-military purposes. We recognise the need exists to bolster its civilian infrastructure, with a particular emphasis on energy infrastructure. However, the motion before us is a different proposition. The €90 billion loan is for the most part a loan for military purposes. This is difficult to square with our position as a militarily neutral State. The EU was never meant to be a military alliance. We recognise and accept the right and prerogative of individual EU states to enter military alliances as they see fit but the EU is not that, was never meant to be that and has to respect the rights of neutral countries. The mechanism used here, namely, the accelerated procedure, is not intended for a purpose such as this and unfortunately the EU has discarded the usual checks, balances and safeguards that are meant to be part of this process. There is no obstacle to those countries that are not neutral and wish to provide weaponry doing so outside the EU. Irish finances are, via this mechanism, being used to purchase weaponry via this fund. This creates a serious precedent for future conflicts the EU may wish to influence. We should not be participating in this mechanism to the extent that it is being used for the purpose of purchasing weaponry. Our contribution, whether in this or any other mechanism, should be solely on the basis of civilian, humanitarian and non-military support. If our amendment is not adopted, we will not be in a position to support this motion.

We regret the Government’s failure to make the important distinction between civilian and humanitarian support and weaponry. We recognise Ukraine will continue to require support politically and diplomatically and we are clear where the fault lies and who is the aggressor - it is Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation. We should continue to offer that political and diplomatic support and, where it is required, humanitarian and civilian support in practical ways but it must be in a manner consistent with our neutrality.

Deputy Duncan Smith

We are approaching the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The resilience of the Ukrainian people in the face of that aggression has been a sight to behold. They have managed to hold off the imperialist, criminal advances of the Russian forces and keep going through four long, cold winters as their towns and cities are bombarded. Their bravery and dedication in the face of such devastation has not just kept their own nation’s freedom intact but has protected others from Putin’s vicious expansionism. We cannot take for granted that Putin would stop at Ukraine. Partner states in the Baltics feel their borders are under constant threat from Putin. We have stood by our values and played our role, whether through financial or humanitarian aid or by opening our doors to the tens of thousands of Ukrainians who have found a safe welcome on our shore. We in the Labour Party have not diminished in our support for those Ukrainian refugees who still arrive. We must continue to remember those values and to deliver upon them.

Ireland is a militarily neutral country. We are deeply proud of that military neutrality and we cherish it but we are not politically neutral in the face of illegal wars, war crimes and aggression and we never have been. We must continue to be clear and steadfast in saying this kind of imperialist invasion can never be accepted. Our history has taught us as much. It is vital that not only do we continue to make that case rhetorically and diplomatically but that we deliver on it and take real action where we can in support of the Ukrainian people. That means continuing to supply non-lethal and humanitarian aid where we can. It means working closely within Europe to co-ordinate supports and it means ensuring Russia is held to account for its aggression. We in the Labour Party welcome the announcement of additional aid from Ireland to Ukraine when President Zelenskyy visited this Chamber in early December.

This motion is asking us to give our approval for Ireland to exercise the option to engage in enhanced co-operation in order to establish a loan of €90 billion to Ukraine. This is following a European Council decision authorising that step earlier this month. The loan, apparently, will be paid by Ukraine only when it receives reparations from Russia. Until then the Russian central bank assets are to remain immobilised and the EU reserves its right to make use of them to repay the loan. That is a welcome step. We have long argued for the use of sanctioned Russian assets to rebuild Ukraine. That is not what is being proposed here but the underlying rationale is similar, namely, Russia should pay for rebuilding Ukraine.

Ukraine’s financial needs have been well-documented. The IMF estimates it will need €135 billion to keep afloat through 2026 and 2027 alone. That money is needed to help the state run and to allow for basic services to continue. In the face of those needs, it is essential we do not allow the likes of Viktor Orbán to water down EU support for Ukraine. Of course, Ukraine’s military needs are also driving its financial deficit. When providing aid directly to Ukraine, Ireland has been able to carefully ensure alignment with our policy of military neutrality. We provide hundreds of millions of euro of non-lethal and humanitarian aid in line with that policy.

I note the amendment tabled by Sinn Féin to this motion that lays out concerns about how this loan will interact with our military neutrality. I ask the Minister to clarify how the Government will ensure aid provided by Ireland through this mechanism continues to align with the principle of military neutrality. I have received commitments at the defence committee that we have had visibility downstream on how every euro we have given Ukraine has been spent to ensure it has been spent on humanitarian or non-lethal aid. Ireland’s provision of non-lethal and humanitarian aid has done much good for Ukraine over the years of war and we heard just that from President Zelenskyy weeks ago in this very Chamber.

Our military neutrality is a cherished pillar of our foreign policy that has allowed us to play a unique role on the world stage. It must always be protected from any dilution even as an inadvertent effect of well-intentioned steps to support a friend such as Ukraine. While we in the Labour Party are proud to stand in support of the measures to support Ukraine in the face of this invasion, we need to hear assurances from the Government that the mechanism we are looking at in this motion will be aligned with our policy of military neutrality.

Deputy Cian O'Callaghan

On behalf of the Social Democrats, I express our continued solidarity with the people of Ukraine. The horrific bombardment of civilians and civilian infrastructure by Putin and his forces over the past four years has been utterly reprehensible, as has been the abduction of children. The ordinary people of Ukraine are suffering day by day because of this needless war, whether that is the loss of life, the disruption of lives, the maiming of lives and people being cut off from power and heat in the depths of winter. It is clear Putin and Russia are not just targeting military targets but that this is an ongoing attack against civilians and civilian infrastructure. We stand shoulder to shoulder with the Ukrainian people on that. It is clear Putin’s aggression has to be stopped. We in the Social Democrats fully support the ordinary people of Ukraine who have suffered horrendously over the past four years of this war. It is clear there needs to be practical support for the Ukrainian people and without that they and the Ukrainian state cannot continue to provide basic services and civilian infrastructure while defending themselves.

The European Union attempt to use the frozen Russian assets could not get over the line at the European Council meeting, which is why we are now in this situation with this loan. It is very clear that if there is a failure to provide practical support and financing for Ukraine, then not only will that lead to a collapse in the services the Ukrainian state provides but it also will very much play into the hands of Putin, and that would have all sorts of repercussions throughout Europe if it happens.

That said, the loan facility being proposed provides a number of challenges for Ireland as a neutral country. We want to provide practical support to the people of Ukraine. As a neutral country, we do not provide military support. It is the view of the Social Democrats that the loan should have been constructed in such a way as would specifically facilitate neutral countries like Ireland, making it explicitly clear that our contribution is to be used to finance civilian aid only. There is no evidence from the Irish Government to date that any attempt was made to do that or to have two financing streams, one a broader stream that non-neutral countries could back and support and the other a tighter financing stream for neutral countries like Ireland so we could be explicitly sure that every cent we contribute and any guarantees of loans we contribute are entirely in line with our objectives as a neutral country. I ask for that to be addressed by the Minister. I want an explanation for why that did not happen and was not sought.

There are broader issues with this loan facility. There are risks such as whether it will ever be repaid. While it is being backed up with the frozen Russian assets, there are real risks for the repayment of this in terms of any future peace deals and what the arrangements may be with the different international actors brokering them. There is also an issue with the mutualisation of debt. This is a wider issue. We are seeing the European Union going full steam ahead in mutualising debt and taking on these responsibilities. We very much hope there will be a peace deal for Ukraine. If there is, the European Union will take on significant responsibilities in helping Ukraine to get back on its feet and that will involve significant financial commitments. All that is necessary and we will support it. However, what is happening at a European Union level with taking on these additional responsibilities and mutualising debt is that we are not seeing it matched by any plans for revenue raising or funding streams to back it in the long term. In one sense, taking on these additional responsibilities is necessary and the right thing to do. However, if there is no plan for how they will be funded in years to come, we are simply setting up a bigger problem that will have to be faced and that has to be addressed.

Clearly, this is a challenge politically across Europe because there is no appetite among political leaders to do that. That is a clear challenge that needs to be addressed. I recently met the president of the European Court of Auditors who made the point that significant risks are being backed by Europe with the taking on of additional responsibilities without the funding mechanisms being put in place.

We will be supporting the amendment put down by Sinn Féin to this motion. I hope the concerns I raised will be addressed by the Minister of State.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

The imperialist aggression of Russia in Ukraine is clear to see and must be absolutely condemned. It involves the killing of tens of thousands of Ukrainians, the destruction of infrastructure, the kidnapping of children, the commission of war crimes and the imperialist arrogance of the Russian empire - Putin's empire - in believing it should control spheres of influence around Russia. There is a long history of Russia being the prison house of nations, as it was called in the days of the tsars, subjugating those in its sphere of influence. That is mirrored by Trump's recently declared national security strategy, under which he also asserted the right of the United States to control the entire American continent, Greenland and so on. We have had a long history of the United States's military interventions in what it considers its sphere of influence.

We need to condemn absolutely Putin's imperialism and all forms of imperialism, including Trump's imperialist arrogance and aggression and his assertion that he has a right to a sphere of influence. None of these imperial or military powers have a right to spheres of influence or to subjugate the right to self-determination of their neighbouring countries, and we need to stand against it. Therefore, while we absolutely want to support the Ukrainian people's right to self-determination, their attempts to reconstruct their country and giving refuge to people fleeing this horrific war, the question is where does this loan fit into all this and the attempt to bring peace and genuine self-determination and stand up to these imperial powers.

It is clear the EU's motivation has absolutely zero to do with asserting the right to self-determination of anyone. It has no ethics, no principles whatsoever. How do we know that? It is because the EU continues to give favoured trade status to Israel, while it commits, and has committed for the past two years, a genocide. The EU is not motivated by any concern for self-determination, human rights or anything because if it were, it would be consistent; it would oppose a genocide and it does not. Leading EU states continue to arm the genocide being committed. That is Germany most notably, but also other EU states and other people are promoting the escalation of the military conflict with Russia.

In that context, we have to be clear about what is Europe's motivation. It is to militarise Europe, to exploit the tragedy of the Ukrainian people in order to militarise Europe and ratchet up military expenditure. The Irish Government wants to be part of that. That is why it joined the Ukraine contact group, why it goes to NATO meetings and why it is trying to ratchet up military expenditure and undermine our neutrality. It is not possible to separate these things.

It is important to say that all that military expenditure does nothing to prevent the horrors we have seen. NATO's combined military expenditure is €1.5 trillion. Russia's is €150 billion. In other words, NATO spends ten times more than Russia on arms. Did it prevent the tragedy and terrible events in Ukraine? Not at all. Furthermore, Trump is now insisting that we more than double that expenditure in Europe - more than double it. He says we have to go from 2% of GDP expenditure on arms and military to 5%. That is incredible. That is money that should be going to housing, health, education and the humanitarian reconstruction of Ukraine. Instead, it will go to weapons, the arms manufacturers who want to profit from this horror and sell weapons to Israel to kill Palestinians. You can add to that the various hypocrisies, such as Western Sahara, which I mentioned earlier, and the funding of other dictatorial regimes and the selling of weapons to them. The Government and the European Union cannot be trusted with this money. They cannot be trusted not to continue to ratchet up military competition, not to escalate or not to be, to some degree, concerned with their own spheres of influence. Certainly, that is true of Germany and other states which want to maintain their spheres of influence.

Sinn Féin is correct to propose the amendment to insist that this money not be used in any way to escalate a military conflict or to undermine our neutrality. The Government cannot be trusted and the EU certainly cannot be trusted in that area. They have no credentials when it comes to consistency in asserting human rights or even self-determination. It is ironic when they talk about this. What did the Minister say? She said, "the inherent right of the Ukrainian people to self defence and self determination". Absolutely. Do the Palestinians have any less of a right to armed self-defence against an illegal occupier? Legally, absolutely not. They absolutely have the right to armed self-defence.

We know when the Palestinians try to assert that right they are condemned as terrorists, but it is different with Ukraine. Why is it different? Because it is strategically in the self-interest of Europe. It is nothing to do with principles or international law; it is purely to do with strategic self-interest. In other words, it is guilty of the same kind of imperialist arrogance and self-serving logic that Putin and Trump are guilty of.

We should not be underwriting loans for the escalation of military conflict, which has been a disaster. It has not helped the Ukrainian people. What we need is for Ireland to be a voice for peace against war, militarism and empire across the world, to show and demand consistency when it comes to opposing militarism, war and imperialism around the world, from whomever it emanates, whether that is Putin, Trump, China or imperial powers within the European Union.

Deputy Michael Collins

I move amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 1:

To insert the following after "expansion and imperialist ambitions":

", constituting a serious breach of international law and the sovereignty of a United Nations member state;

To insert the following after "rights of the Ukrainian people":

"and is grounded in international law and the protection of civilians;".

To insert the following after "does not provide military aid":

"and cannot be drawn, directly or indirectly, into military financing arrangements;

— Ireland's policy of military neutrality is a core element of our foreign policy and any change to that position requires the consent of the Irish people in a referendum;".

To insert the following after "discarded in this instance;":

“— the use of enhanced cooperation in this manner risks undermining democratic oversight, budgetary scrutiny and the role of national parliaments;”

To delete all words after "relentlessly attacked; and" and substitute the following:

"— Irish taxpayers are facing severe pressures at home in housing, healthcare, infrastructure and cost of living, and overseas financial commitments must be assessed against those realities, and therefore calls on the Government to prepare and lay, before each House of the Oireachtas, a quarterly report outlining the operation and expenditure of the loan facilities granted under the proposed enhanced cooperation Loan for Ukraine, for the duration of its existence; and

therefore, resolves to restrict our participation in lending money to Ukraine, under this enhanced cooperation proposal, strictly to transparent, civilian humanitarian and non-military purposes only, subject to full Dáil Éireann oversight, value-for-money guarantees, and binding safeguards, to ensure no Irish funds are used directly or indirectly for military or arms-related purposes, and that Ireland shall not participate in this enhanced cooperation where such safeguards cannot be assured.".

We can all agree that what Russia did in Ukraine was wrong. It was illegal, it was brutal and innocent people have paid the highest price. Ireland has always supported international law and that should never be in question. However, saying an invasion is wrong does not mean we should sign up to anything and everything that is put in front of us, and it certainly does not mean we should allow our tradition of military neutrality to be chipped away at without people being told what is happening.

The Government is asking this House to approve an EU loan scheme without clear guarantees, proper safeguards or straight answers on where Irish taxpayers' money might end up. That is not good enough. This scheme is not just about humanitarian aid. It opens the door to EU borrowing and systems that could end up supporting military spending, even indirectly. Ireland is a neutral country. That is not a slogan; it is a long-held principle and it belongs to the people, not to any government and not to Brussels. If there is any move to weaken neutrality, sidestep the triple lock or tie Ireland into military financing, the people deserve a say. That means a referendum, and that certainly has not happened here. Using enhanced operation as a way to push through something that does not have full agreement is mission creep. It is a workaround and people can see it.

Families here in Ireland are dealing with housing shortages, hospital waiting lists, rising prices and failing infrastructure but the Government has not explained why we should be taking an open-ended financial commitment overseas when so much needs fixing here at home. Taxpayers deserve transparency, accountability and value for money, none of which are guaranteed in this proposal. That is why it cannot be supported.

The amendment we put forward makes sure Ireland's role is strictly limited to humanitarian and civilian support. It rules out any involvement, even indirect, in military funding. It requires full Dáil oversight and strong protection for taxpayers' money. It makes one thing crystal clear: any change to neutrality must be decided by the Irish people. This is about protecting Ireland's independence in foreign policy decisions. It is about standing for peace, humanitarian support and democracy.

Deputy Michael Fitzmaurice

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this motion. First, what Russia is doing is completely wrong and I do not think anyone would condone it. However, at the end of the day, Europe has come together and decided to give a loan, but a loan to what? How will this be paid back? In the name of God, I do not know why or how we have people who sign up to things they call loans. If you go in for a loan, you have to show credentials, have back-up and show how you will pay for something. It is a charade to call this a loan because the capacity to pay it back is not there, to be very frank about it.

Looking at our own country, there is the number of people who, unfortunately. are homeless. The Irish people have opened their doors to help people from Ukraine, and rightly so. I am all for it. No one has a problem with that. However, what we are signing up to is basically Europe dictating again what it is going to do, with Ursula von der Leyen, and we have to be the nodders at the back of it. That is all I have to say. To put it simply, you cannot sign up to a loan.

Deputy Ken O'Flynn

Looking at this and how the Minister has explained it, it is slightly incorrect. It is not just a humanitarian support loan, which we have given generously to. This is a loan we are guaranteeing which we are somehow going to have to collect from Russia. Good luck with that and trying to collect something off the Russians if they lose.

The reality here is there is no security. There is a huge problem when it comes to our neutrality. It brings us in the back door, without a shadow of a doubt, of supporting military aid into a country and this undermines our entire neutrality. I have to ask: when is enough enough?

The cost of living in this country is absolutely crazy. We currently have 17,000 men, women and children on the streets of this country without houses. We have USC charges that were brought in and we were told, "Oh yes, we are going to get rid of those in a couple of years", but we are still paying them. Food is up by 7.6% this year. The price of a litre of petrol is €1.70 and the price of diesel is €1.69. Rents are up 97% in Dublin. In parts of Blackpool in Cork, rents have risen by up to 210% in ten years. When is enough enough?

We have given over half a billion euro to Ukraine. We have been very generous and decent, with €173 million in humanitarian aid and €200 million in legal aid, and we have spent €1.4 billion to €1.8 billion on accommodation.

Deputy Paul Lawless

First, this is reckless. This is €90 billion over a two-year period we are going to sign over without any financial oversight or any real guarantees in terms of who is going to spend or pay over this money. It is said the Russians will pay in terms of repatriation. I highly doubt that will ever happen. It will be the Irish taxpayer who will end up footing the bill for this loan. There is also the question of neutrality, which the Irish people support but this Government clearly does not. We know where it stands on the triple lock and we know where it stands on this.

There are no guarantees or certainties in relation to where this money will be spent. Will it be spent on guns, tanks or ammunition? The truth is that the Minister cannot answer that question because this is like a blank cheque. That is what Government is going to do by signing this. I ask the Minister not to support this, to accept the amendment and let us be like the Hungarians and the Czech Republic and so on, and not tie ourselves to a financial loan without the proper scrutiny that is absolutely necessary here.

Deputy Paul Nicholas Gogarty

I reiterate that I fully support the need to help our neighbours in Ukraine. This is part of an EU contribution. It does not alter Ireland's military neutrality or the triple lock. It is purely about enhanced financial co-operation under Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union. It is nothing to do with defence or security commitments and our neutrality has been respected by our EU partners before.

Obviously, as others have raised in the Dáil, we may not like how some of our EU partners spend their money. That is a fair comment. I note one of the amendments tries to tie in and ring-fence the Irish contribution in terms of where it is spent, and I do believe we need more scrutiny in that regard. However, overall, because Ukraine was invaded by Russia and because Russia is terrorising innocent people every single day of the year, they need weaponry for defence and offence in certain situations. That is something Europe as a whole needs to provide.

We have given commitment for non-military assistance and long may that continue. Obviously, we want to see peace as quickly as possible.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

I am very concerned about this departure, this loan of €90 billion and that we are going to be tied into it. There are important questions here. We are here at the behest of the people who elected us to account for their welfare and ensure taxpayers' money is properly spent. We are accountable for it.

I have not been told how much Ireland is committing. How much of the €90 billion are we borrowing? I did not see any speech written out by the Minister. It is hard to take it in as someone is talking but there was no written speech. I went down to look for a copy of the Minister's speech and there was none there.

This is very vague. Like others have asked, will it implicate us in the war and interfere with our neutrality?

We are only a small country on the edge of Europe. We are facing tough financial times. Every man, woman and child has been put to the pin of their collar trying to survive. The cost of living has become exorbitantly high. There are people on trolleys in our hospitals every day. Our infrastructure is in a terrible way. Many people are getting notices to quit. We do not have the water infrastructure in Kenmare to build 170 houses. There are over 40 settlements that do not have either treatment plants or proper treatment plants.

We gave President Zelenskyy €125 million a couple of weeks ago. I need to know how much Ireland is committing to. Is it a quarter or a third of the €90 billion? It is a serious figure in any event, and we need to be told exactly what it is. We need both a proper debate and an understanding of what is involved. The first time I heard about this was yesterday. We know the Russians have done the people of Ukraine wrong, but we are neutral and cannot do anything about the Russians. We cannot detect them.

There is an addendum here to the effect that they money will be taken out of Russia's funds when the war is over. There was a lot of talk by Ursula von der Leyen over the past number of weeks that she was going to take the money out of Russian funds now. This is the new notion - to get us involved in it. Why does Ms von der Leyen not take the money from those funds now if she is woman enough to do it? Why implicate us?

I am very concerned about where this will lead and about how much we are involving ourselves. We need to know more. I have received many calls since we got notice this morning that this debate was going to take place. We need to be informed a lot more regarding the assurances involved. Will we get our money back? When will we get it back? Will there be interest paid on the loan? We did not cause the war. When we part with this money or sign our name to this loan, we will have no more to do with it. All we can do is hope that someone will give it back to us. I cannot see that happening. As the days go by and as we move into another spring, I am of the view that this war is going to continue. We may not ever get our money back. We need to debate this far more and we need to know what we are getting into.

Minister of State at the Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science (Deputy Marian Harkin)

I will begin by thanking all Members for their contributions on the motion, the purpose of which is to seek the approval of Dáil Éireann for Ireland to participate in enhanced co-operation on the establishment of a loan for Ukraine. I have heard Members' comments and reactions. I hope to respond to some of the key points that they raised.

We must not lose sight of why we are doing this. Ukraine has experienced almost four years of Russia's illegal aggression against its people and its territory. The brutality of Russia's actions has caused immense suffering and loss for the people of Ukraine, huge economic and fiscal costs and extensive damage to its infrastructure, particularly its energy infrastructure. What we are talking about here is keeping people alive by keeping them warm. It is essential that we do not forget that Russia, in a fundamental violation of the UN Charter and international law, launched an unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine, a European country and a fellow member of the UN. Ireland supports increasing the pressure on Russia to halt its brutal attacks, agree to a ceasefire and seriously engage in peace talks with the US and Ukraine.

Our continued solidarity with and support for Ukraine in conjunction with our international partners is essential. We know that it has significant financial needs and urgently requires the financial assistance to which the motion relates by the second quarter of this year. As the Minister said, since the onset of the war in February 2022, Ireland's total allocated support to Ukraine amounts to over €464 million. This is basically for the purposes of stabilisation, humanitarian assistance and non-lethal military support. The motion is entirely consistent with our ongoing position regarding support for Ukraine, which, to date, has included political, humanitarian, non-lethal military and economic assistance. The loan involved is for Ukraine's immediate needs in 2026 and 2027 and does not even factor in the extensive recovery and reconstruction costs Ukraine will face in the future.

In response to the request from the Labour Party, the Social Democrats and others, the Government will ensure that the funding provided by Ireland is aligned with our well-established policy of military neutrality, as has been the case to date. If people want to know what we will do in the future, they should look at what we have done in the past. Most Irish people agree that it is important for us to show our ongoing commitment to and support for Ukraine in light of the Taoiseach's commitment to provide comprehensive financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to it and its people at the December European Council meeting.

I note the comments of those who disagree with this motion regarding Irish neutrality, but I disagree with them. This financial support will not just help Ukraine with its defence capability - and I underline that - it will also help with the continued functioning of the state and its ability to provide basic public services in order that its people can survive. We have all seen the horrendous pictures of Ukrainians trying to survive in temperatures of -10°C or -15°C following drone attacks by Russia.

Ireland's policy of neutrality means that it does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. I thank Members for their comments, which reflect the importance of these issues to all of us, and ask them to support the motion.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

I will repeat the question I asked earlier. How much of the €90 billion are we committing to?

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Will the Deputy resume his seat? We are moving to-----

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

There is no answer. How are we expected to vote for something like that?

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I cannot advise the Minister of State to answer that question, but the Deputy asked it.

Amendment to amendment put:

The Dáil divided: Tá, 46; Níl, 80; Staon, 0.

Tá

Bennett, Cathy.
Boyd Barrett, Richard.
Buckley, Pat.
Byrne, Joanna.
Carthy, Matt.
Clarke, Sorca.
Collins, Michael.
Conway-Walsh, Rose.
Cronin, Réada.
Cullinane, David.
Cummins, Jen.
Daly, Pa.
Doherty, Pearse.
Donnelly, Paul.
Ellis, Dessie.
Farrelly, Aidan.
Fitzmaurice, Michael.
Gannon, Gary.
Gibney, Sinéad.
Guirke, Johnny.
Hayes, Eoin.
Hearne, Rory.
Kenny, Martin.
Kerrane, Claire.
Lawless, Paul.
Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
McGettigan, Donna.
Mitchell, Denise.
Murphy, Paul.
Mythen, Johnny.
Newsome Drennan, Natasha.
O'Callaghan, Cian.
O'Donoghue, Richard.
O'Flynn, Ken.
O'Hara, Louis.
O'Reilly, Louise.
O'Rourke, Darren.
Ó Broin, Eoin.
Ó Laoghaire, Donnchadh.
Ó Murchú, Ruairí.
Ó Súilleabháin, Fionntán.
Quaide, Liam.
Quinlivan, Maurice.
Rice, Pádraig.
Ward, Charles.
Ward, Mark.

Níl

Ahern, Ciarán.
Aird, William.
Ardagh, Catherine.
Bacik, Ivana.
Boland, Grace.
Brabazon, Tom.
Brennan, Brian.
Brennan, Shay.
Brophy, Colm.
Browne, James.
Burke, Colm.
Burke, Peter.
Butler, Mary.
Butterly, Paula.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Cahill, Michael.
Callaghan, Catherine.
Calleary, Dara.
Canney, Seán.
Carrigy, Micheál.
Carroll MacNeill, Jennifer.
Cleere, Peter 'Chap'.
Clendennen, John.
Collins, Niall.
Connolly, John.
Cooney, Joe.
Crowe, Cathal.
Cummins, John.
Currie, Emer.
Daly, Martin.
Devlin, Cormac.
Dillon, Alan.
Dolan, Albert.
Dooley, Timmy.
Feighan, Frankie.
Fleming, Sean.
Foley, Norma.
Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
Geoghegan, James.
Gogarty, Paul Nicholas.
Harkin, Marian.
Healy-Rae, Michael.
Heneghan, Barry.
Heydon, Martin.
Higgins, Emer.
Kelly, Alan.
Kenny, Eoghan.
Keogh, Keira.
Lahart, John.
Lawless, James.
Maxwell, David.
McAuliffe, Paul.
McCarthy, Noel.
Moran, Kevin Boxer.
Moynihan, Aindrias.
Moynihan, Michael.
Moynihan, Shane.
Murnane O'Connor, Jennifer.
Murphy, Michael.
Naughton, Hildegarde.
Neville, Joe.
O'Brien, Darragh.
O'Callaghan, Jim.
O'Connell, Maeve.
O'Connor, James.
O'Donnell, Kieran.
O'Donoghue, Robert.
O'Meara, Ryan.
O'Shea, John Paul.
O'Sullivan, Pádraig.
Ó Cearúil, Naoise.
Ó Muirí, Naoise.
Richmond, Neale.
Roche, Peter.
Scanlon, Eamon.
Smith, Brendan.
Smith, Duncan.
Smyth, Niamh.
Timmins, Edward.
Wall, Mark.

Staon

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Michael Collins and Ken O'Flynn; Níl, Deputies Mary Butler and Emer Currie.

Amendment to amendment declared lost.

Amendment put:

The Dáil divided: Tá, 54; Níl, 71; Staon, 0.

Tá

Ahern, Ciarán.
Bacik, Ivana.
Bennett, Cathy.
Boyd Barrett, Richard.
Buckley, Pat.
Byrne, Joanna.
Carthy, Matt.
Clarke, Sorca.
Collins, Michael.
Conway-Walsh, Rose.
Cronin, Réada.
Cullinane, David.
Cummins, Jen.
Daly, Pa.
Doherty, Pearse.
Donnelly, Paul.
Ellis, Dessie.
Farrelly, Aidan.
Fitzmaurice, Michael.
Gannon, Gary.
Gibney, Sinéad.
Gogarty, Paul Nicholas.
Guirke, Johnny.
Hayes, Eoin.
Hearne, Rory.
Kelly, Alan.
Kenny, Eoghan.
Kenny, Martin.
Kerrane, Claire.
Lawless, Paul.
Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
McGettigan, Donna.
Mitchell, Denise.
Murphy, Paul.
Mythen, Johnny.
Newsome Drennan, Natasha.
O'Callaghan, Cian.
O'Donoghue, Richard.
O'Donoghue, Robert.
O'Flynn, Ken.
O'Hara, Louis.
O'Reilly, Louise.
O'Rourke, Darren.
Ó Broin, Eoin.
Ó Laoghaire, Donnchadh.
Ó Murchú, Ruairí.
Ó Súilleabháin, Fionntán.
Quaide, Liam.
Quinlivan, Maurice.
Rice, Pádraig.
Smith, Duncan.
Wall, Mark.
Ward, Charles.
Ward, Mark.

Níl

Aird, William.
Ardagh, Catherine.
Brabazon, Tom.
Brennan, Brian.
Brennan, Shay.
Brophy, Colm.
Browne, James.
Burke, Colm.
Burke, Peter.
Butler, Mary.
Butterly, Paula.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Cahill, Michael.
Callaghan, Catherine.
Calleary, Dara.
Canney, Seán.
Carrigy, Micheál.
Carroll MacNeill, Jennifer.
Cleere, Peter 'Chap'.
Clendennen, John.
Collins, Niall.
Connolly, John.
Cooney, Joe.
Crowe, Cathal.
Cummins, John.
Currie, Emer.
Daly, Martin.
Devlin, Cormac.
Dillon, Alan.
Dolan, Albert.
Dooley, Timmy.
Feighan, Frankie.
Fleming, Sean.
Foley, Norma.
Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
Geoghegan, James.
Harkin, Marian.
Healy-Rae, Michael.
Heneghan, Barry.
Heydon, Martin.
Higgins, Emer.
Keogh, Keira.
Lahart, John.
Lawless, James.
Maxwell, David.
McAuliffe, Paul.
McCarthy, Noel.
Moran, Kevin Boxer.
Moynihan, Aindrias.
Moynihan, Michael.
Moynihan, Shane.
Murnane O'Connor, Jennifer.
Murphy, Michael.
Naughton, Hildegarde.
Neville, Joe.
O'Brien, Darragh.
O'Callaghan, Jim.
O'Connell, Maeve.
O'Connor, James.
O'Donnell, Kieran.
O'Meara, Ryan.
O'Shea, John Paul.
O'Sullivan, Pádraig.
Ó Cearúil, Naoise.
Ó Muirí, Naoise.
Richmond, Neale.
Roche, Peter.
Scanlon, Eamon.
Smith, Brendan.
Smyth, Niamh.
Timmins, Edward.

Staon

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Pádraig Mac Lochlainn and Denise Mitchell; Níl, Deputies Mary Butler and Emer Currie.

Amendment declared lost.

Question put: "That the motion be agreed to."

The Dáil divided: Tá, 92; Níl, 38; Staon, 0.

Tá

Ahern, Ciarán.
Aird, William.
Ardagh, Catherine.
Bacik, Ivana.
Boland, Grace.
Brabazon, Tom.
Brennan, Brian.
Brennan, Shay.
Brophy, Colm.
Browne, James.
Burke, Colm.
Burke, Peter.
Butler, Mary.
Butterly, Paula.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Cahill, Michael.
Callaghan, Catherine.
Calleary, Dara.
Canney, Seán.
Carrigy, Micheál.
Carroll MacNeill, Jennifer.
Cleere, Peter 'Chap'.
Clendennen, John.
Collins, Niall.
Connolly, John.
Cooney, Joe.
Crowe, Cathal.
Cummins, Jen.
Cummins, John.
Currie, Emer.
Daly, Martin.
Devlin, Cormac.
Dillon, Alan.
Dolan, Albert.
Dooley, Timmy.
Farrelly, Aidan.
Feighan, Frankie.
Fleming, Sean.
Foley, Norma.
Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
Gannon, Gary.
Geoghegan, James.
Gibney, Sinéad.
Gogarty, Paul Nicholas.
Harkin, Marian.
Hayes, Eoin.
Healy-Rae, Michael.
Hearne, Rory.
Heneghan, Barry.
Heydon, Martin.
Higgins, Emer.
Kelly, Alan.
Kenny, Eoghan.
Keogh, Keira.
Lahart, John.
Lawless, James.
Lawlor, George.
Maxwell, David.
McAuliffe, Paul.
McCarthy, Noel.
McEntee, Helen.
Moran, Kevin Boxer.
Moynihan, Aindrias.
Moynihan, Michael.
Moynihan, Shane.
Murnane O'Connor, Jennifer.
Murphy, Michael.
Naughton, Hildegarde.
Neville, Joe.
O'Brien, Darragh.
O'Callaghan, Cian.
O'Callaghan, Jim.
O'Connell, Maeve.
O'Connor, James.
O'Donnell, Kieran.
O'Donoghue, Robert.
O'Gorman, Roderic.
O'Meara, Ryan.
O'Shea, John Paul.
O'Sullivan, Pádraig.
Ó Cearúil, Naoise.
Ó Muirí, Naoise.
Rice, Pádraig.
Richmond, Neale.
Roche, Peter.
Scanlon, Eamon.
Smith, Brendan.
Smith, Duncan.
Smyth, Niamh.
Timmins, Edward.
Wall, Mark.
Ward, Barry.

Níl

Bennett, Cathy.
Boyd Barrett, Richard.
Buckley, Pat.
Byrne, Joanna.
Carthy, Matt.
Clarke, Sorca.
Collins, Michael.
Conway-Walsh, Rose.
Cronin, Réada.
Cullinane, David.
Daly, Pa.
Doherty, Pearse.
Donnelly, Paul.
Ellis, Dessie.
Fitzmaurice, Michael.
Guirke, Johnny.
Kenny, Martin.
Kerrane, Claire.
Lawless, Paul.
Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
McGettigan, Donna.
Mitchell, Denise.
Murphy, Paul.
Mythen, Johnny.
Newsome Drennan, Natasha.
O'Donoghue, Richard.
O'Flynn, Ken.
O'Hara, Louis.
O'Reilly, Louise.
O'Rourke, Darren.
Ó Broin, Eoin.
Ó Laoghaire, Donnchadh.
Ó Murchú, Ruairí.
Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
Ó Súilleabháin, Fionntán.
Quinlivan, Maurice.
Ward, Charles.
Ward, Mark.

Staon

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Mary Butler and Emer Currie; Níl, Deputies Pádraig Mac Lochlainn and Denise Mitchell.

Question declared carried.

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht - Tuesday, 27 Jan 2026